REUBEN'S VIEWS

REUBEN'S VIEWS

One of the biggest problems we face in Africa is the sit-tight attitude of African leaders. We have seen leaders who turned the Presidency of their countries into chieftaincy positions and have worked hard to rule till death separates them from the office. We have also seen African leaders who change or manipulate the Constitution to extend their stay on power perpetually as in Guinea in 2001 and Togo in 2002, Gabon in 2003 and Uganda in 2005. They cling to power not to promote the people’s interest but to satisfy their own greed and in some of the worst manifestations we have seen emergence of dynasties in some of the countries: sons taking over from their fathers as in Gabon, Chad and Togo or watching in the wings to do so as we have seen in Equatorial Guinea. Democracy continues to suffer the hands of these leaders who plan coups against the people thus making Africa’s democratic consolidation a permanent work in progress. Some of Africa’s living dictators include Teodoro Nguema Mbasogo in Equatorial Guinea (44 years in power), Paul Biya in Cameroon (42 years), Dennis Sassou Nguesso in the Republic of Congo (38 years), Yoweri Museveni in Uganda (39 years), Paul Kagame in Rwanda (24 years) and Isaias Afewerki in Eritrea (33 years).  Most recently, President Macky Sall of Senegal attempted a “Constitutional coup” in Africa’s most stable democracy. He was stoutly resisted by the people and the Constitutional Court. The lesson of the Senegalese experience is that the people’s will prevails if the people take ownership of their democracy. 

 

The people of Togo are however not so lucky. They have failed to resist Faure Gnassingbe’s impunity. Last Friday, the ruling party of Togo, the Union for the Republic (UNIR) was declared winner of 108 out of 113 seats paving the way for President Faure Gnassingbe to extend his rule in Togo.  He became President in 2005, after his father’s death.  He has done more or less what his own father did in 2002, by changing the constitution. The Gnassingbe dynasty has been in power in Togo since 1967.  In March, President Gnassingbe introduced a parliamentary system of government, which means he would be elected by parliament rather than through popular elections. The legislative elections were delayed twice because of protests by the opposition. Now Gnassingbe has had his way. He could remain in power till 2033, if he is re-elected in 2025, which is certain. It is most unfortunate what has befallen the people of Togo and if the Togolese opposition thought that their protests would make any difference, it did not. Unfortunately, dictatorship in African countries has never translated into prosperity for the people, rather, it has served as an ugly vehicle for stagnated growth, kleptomania and the abuse of the people’s potential. Zimbabwe under Robert Mugabe was a place of misery. The Democratic Republic of Congo continues to be the theatre of one of the world’s most terrible conflicts.

 

Faure Gnassingbe needs to be reminded of the fate of Ali Bongo Ondimba of Gabon. His father, Omar Bongo Ondimba ruled Gabon from 1967 until he died in 2009. Ali Bongo seized power and was President for 14 years. In 2023 he was forced out by a military junta. The international community condemned the coup in Gabon, but the underlying consensus was that Ali Bongo deserved no pity. It is good to report history but African leaders appear to be tone-deaf. The next major theatre of power play is most likely to be Chad where interim President Mahamat Deby Itno confirmed his interest in the country’s Presidential election, and indeed was on the ballot in the presidential election in that country that took place yesterday. Chad has been under military rule since the death of Deby Itno’s father in 2021. The late President was President for more than 30 years. He was killed on the war front, fighting rebels. His son seized power and declared himself interim President.  Deby Itno is expected to win yesterday’s election thus creating another dynasty in Chad. He too will get away with it. Chad is about the only ally of France and the United States in the Sahel, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger having turned against the two countries.  Deby Itno may pretty much do as he wishes and the world will look away. Those who tried to stand in his way ahead of yesterday’s election were either co-opted or they died mysteriously. Sad.     

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:23

 

It is always very embarrassing to read stories of Nigerians who go abroad to give the county a bad name. Nigeria became known as a country of internet scammers and fraudsters not because all Nigerians deserve to be so labelled, but when a few bad eggs behave wrongly in other countries, it is every Nigerian that suffers from the profiling that results and the reputational damage to the country. It got so bad at a point that the Nigerian green passport became a badge of dishonour at many international airports where special attention was always paid to any flight from Nigeria. And yet this is a country of very talented and distinguished persons who have excelled in virtually every field of human endeavour. Those who bring disgrace unto the nation may get sanctioned for their offences or crimes, but that is hardly ever where the matter ends. 

 

The latest story in this regard is that of a certain John Nwankwo Noko who was deported from Kenya on Saturday, May 4 by the Kenyan authorities, for beating his partner, identified as Ms. Pauline who happens to be a Kenyan. The story is all over the media in Kenya with the headline: “Nigerian man captured on CCTV assaulting Kenyan woman on wheel deported.”  The Nigerian was caught on a surveillance camera assaulting a woman sitting in a wheelchair. Two ladies were shown trying to restrain him, but he refused. The footage has since gone viral, generating outrage. The woman looked helpless. It was later revealed that John Nwankwo Noko even threatened to kill her and her domestic servants if any word about his actions got out, and in the event of a court case, if they dared testify against him. It was not the first time that Ms. Pauline would be subjected to such violence by her partner. She has children for the Nigerian who has been living in Kenya for years, and has a work permit.

 

Somehow, the video got out to the public. The matter was taken up by Senator Gloria Orwoba who reported it at the Karen Police Station. Kenyan policemen are like Nigerian policemen. They tried to slow down the case, quoting technicalities. Many would be familiar with what happens in Nigerian police stations. There is that story, probably apocryphal about a woman who had gone to a police station to lodge a complaint against her husband. 

 

The uniformed man at the counter listened carefully to her, only to ask her: “Madam, did you say this man is your husband?” The woman answered in the affirmative. 

 

The question was repeated. The woman again affirmed. 

 

“This your husband, he paid your dowry?” 

“Yes”, the woman replied. 

The policeman reportedly drew himself to full length and said: “Madam, this is a police station, we don’t inquire into husband-and-wife matters here. Go back home and settle with your husband, or call your in-laws make dey settle your quarrel. Person don pay dowry, put you for house, you dey come report am for station.” 

Kenyan policemen are probably like that too. But for the tenacity of Senator Orwoba who took up the matter with higher authorities. The matter went to court. The Ministry of Gender got involved. The Ministry of Interior too. 

 

However, the Kenyan authorities didn’t bother to spend too much time on the case. John Nwankwo Noko was treated with the utmost contempt that he deserves. Assault and threat to inflict bodily harm or kill, as well as domestic violence are serious offences in Kenya as they are in Nigeria. Section 251 at Chapter 63 of the Penal Code of Kenya prescribes a penalty of five years imprisonment for “assault causing bodily harm”. Section 74 of the 2010 Constitution of Kenya explicitly protects both men and women from any form of inhuman treatment. Taking Nwankwo through a court process would have meant using the Kenyan taxpayer’s money to engage lawyers and the court system, and having to battle with “technicalities”.  A quick decision was taken to expel him from the country. He was thus sent away as a persona non grata, in the fashion of a good riddance. But there are questions: what then happens to the innocent children he has left behind, and the woman in a wheelchair that he has traumatized? He has also given his home country, a bad name. Nigerians are not particularly popular in Kenya. Quite a number of our compatriots have been implicated in money laundering and drug trafficking cases in that country. From Central. Africa to the South, Nigerian men are also not popular with the male folk: they are accused of competing for the attention of local women and acting superior towards their hosts. Whatever may be the legitimate reason for this, the very picture of a man assaulting a woman in a wheelchair is horrendous. Violent behaviour of any sort is unacceptable. Hitting a defenceless person is clearly animalistic. Even animals sometimes behave better.    

 

This is why I think the wife-beater of Kenya should not just slip into Nigeria and feel relieved that he has escaped the wrath of the law in Kenya. He may have escaped lightly also because as in Nigeria, women in Kenya in a marital situation may refuse to testify against their husband in court. Women often imagine that the man will turn a new leaf, and may generally not want the marriage to end. See for example, Piah Njpoki Kagwai vs. Jackson Kagwai, High Court of Kenya, Civil Case No 1897 of 1986 where a husband gorged out his wife’s eye. Church teachings and local traditions have also not helped. But I think here in Nigeria, anybody that disgraces the country and misbehaves in diaspora should upon return to Nigeria either by deportation or relocation be made to face sanctions. The rule about double jeopardy should not apply to such persons. Our laws should be amended where necessary to make sure that any Nigerian in diaspora who becomes a persona non grata in his or her place of domicile abroad, also gets sanctioned in Nigeria for bad conduct. This is perhaps the only way we can send a strong message to those Nigerians abroad who give the entire country a bad image. We are quick to celebrate Nigerians who do well abroad, including those who may have taken up the citizenship of their host countries, in any case, the Nigerian Constitution allows dual nationality. By the same token, Nigeria must begin to name and shame those who bring shame to the country abroad. 

 

Thirty-four states in Nigeria have domesticated the Violence Against Persons Prohibition (VAPP) Act of 2015. Two states, Lagos and Ekiti have domestic violence registers where they list the names of those who have been found guilty of gender-based or domestic violence.  I don’t know John Nwankwo Noko’s state of origin but here at home, his name should be in the black book containing the names of wife-beaters in states where such exists. Mrs Abike Dabiri-Erewa, Chair of the Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) interacts regularly with Nigerians in Diaspora across the world and whenever she holds one of her interactive sessions, she always tells her audience that Nigerians have an obligation to respect the laws of the countries where they live. And of course, she always cautions against illegal migration. But there are persons in diaspora who will never listen or accept that they are Nigerian ambassadors abroad. The way to address the matter is to ensure that anybody that breaks the law abroad also faces the full wrath of the law in Nigeria. 

 

John Nwankwo Noko was deported from Kenya on Saturday. He is probably walking free in a part of Nigeria today. There is no way the Kenyan authorities would not have contacted the Nigerian Embassy in Nairobi to report his conduct before taking a decision to deport him. We have various desks at our embassies abroad: Immigration, Nigeria Intelligence Agency (NIA) etc. On arrival in Nigeria, Nwankwo Noko must have passed through a Nigerian airport. He should have been detained at the Nigerian end, and subjected to serious interrogation. Kenya sends away a violent man, and he would just walk into Nigeria like that? His name should be at every immigration post in Nigeria. Persons like him must never be allowed to go out of this country again. In some other countries, he will be closely monitored. There is the argument about the freedom of movement and how Nigerians are free to choose wherever they want to live in the world, but if anybody is found to have shown a tendency to disgrace this country abroad, such persons must also enjoy the status of a persona non grata inside Nigeria.  Whoever finds himself or herself in such circumstances may go to court to seek enforcement of fundamental human rights, and that is why we need to firm up our laws. Rights under the law are not absolute. We must strengthen our sanctions to re-build the national ethos and value system. 

 

The big problem we face however is the enforcement of laws. Nigerian state officials choose which laws to enforce and the ones that they would rather ignore. Our law enforcement officials routinely break the law. It is not that they do not know what is right, or their job, but there is an established culture of impunity that creates a crisis of moral turpitude. This is why civil servants will break the law and have the temerity to boast about it in the media; it is also why all kinds of men and women flaunting dubious wealth are among some of the most influential persons in society. The people of Kenya are happy that the problematic Nigerian who battered a Kenyan woman has been expelled from their country. They see the case as a milestone in their country’s fight against gender-based violence. Senator Orwoba who fought for the enforcement of Ms. Pauline’s right to dignity has been praised deservedly for her    intervention: a good case of a woman supporting another woman in distress, and a parliamentarian standing up for one of her constituents. Nigerian women in general have lessons to learn from her example, and all those SUV-riding lawmakers in Abuja and the states who only remember their constituents when they need votes should see what it means to be a lawmaker.     

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:24

“How are you coping with this fuel scarcity? Fuel queues everywhere. Even the bus stops are crowded. People waiting for buses that also do not have fuel.” 

“What I don’t understand is why every administration since 1999, marking the return to civilian rule, has had to deal with exactly the same problems: fuel scarcity, a big debt burden, lack of electricity supply, unemployment, big corruption, terrorism and banditry. Sometimes, I take a look at this democracy and I am like: what really have we gained putting civilians in power?”

“The worst civilian government is better than the best military government.”   

“I hear that all the time, yes. But why are we not making progress? Can you believe that one of my brothers had to contact me to ask if I could help get fuel. How am I supposed to do that from Lagos, when I am also looking for fuel.”

“Don’t worry when the Dangote refinery starts producing PMS and the Warri refinery kicks off, everything will be fine.”

“I have been hearing that for about a year. Were we not also told that the Port Harcourt Refinery has been mechanically completed?  A mechanical refinery that has refused to produce petrol. We don’t need mechanical stories we want fuel at the filling stations”

“President Tinubu has advised us to be patient. At the Special Meeting of the World Economic Forum in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia, he told his audience that his government had to remove fuel subsidy and manage the foreign exchange market to prevent the country from slipping into bankruptcy.”

“I watched the video. He spoke well, ex tempore. He keeps doing a good job of marketing the country and selling the country as an important destination for Foreign Direct Investment. Good outing overall. You know City Boy is a show man. He met with the Dutch Prime Minister, Bill Gates, Chairman of shipping giant AP Moeller-Maersk, CEO of Samsung. But he didn’t tell the full story”

“Which full story do you want him to tell the international community? Which story?” 

“He should have been honest enough to tell the business community that Nigeria under his watch is still a work in progress. Electricity supply is epileptic. Diesel is expensive. The cost of business is so high many businesses are leaving the country, the latest being PZ Cussons which has been in West Africa for more than 140 years. Even the businesses that are still in the country are raising prices. Multichoice has increased its subscription rates, effective May 1. The Telecom companies have also served notice that call rates will go up…”

“Market forces. Companies are doing business not charity. They have to make ends meet. For a business to be profitable, the Return on Investment (ROI) must be higher than the Cost of Investment. If you can’t afford to pay for Multichoice Premium, the same company offers you other options. If the Telcos increase their call rates, you simply talk less and reduce the number of calls you make.”

“But are you aware that one court has barred MultiChoice from increasing its subscription rates? And I guess the same thing will happen to the telcos. And if they cannot make ends meet, some of these companies will also close shop.”

“Just hearing that from you.” 

“That is why I am talking about honesty. You are asking me to adjust and adapt. President Tinubu should have told his audience that back home IPMAN has announced that this fuel scarcity will linger for two weeks, further making life difficult for businesses and persons.” 

“IPMAN talked about fuel scarcity and supply chain problems. The Independent Petroleum Marketers did not say there will be fuel queues for two weeks.” 

“What is the difference?”

“So, what do you expect President Tinubu to do? To promise potential investors an enabling environment and then at the same time, de-market his own country? Trust is the biggest element in international trade. President Tinubu only needs potential investors to trust him. Or do you want him to behave like President Buhari who used to go abroad to tell people that Nigerian youths are lazy, or that a woman’s place belongs in the other room? Sorry, Tinubu is much smarter.” 

“But why was he behaving like that during the campaigns making it look like he could not complete his sentences and had to be assisted to complete ordinary tasks like climbing the stairs. The same man is now energetic and bouncing, prancing, with energy and panache.”

“Strategy my friend. People underestimated Asiwaju Bola Tinubu, even within his own party. He outsmarted them all, even with the power of the tongue. Strategy is the soul of politics.” 

“Okay, congratulations. Let him solve the problem of electricity, fuel supply, foreign exchange and the hunger in the land. Soon, it will be May 29, one year since he assumed office. Enough of the promises of hope. I want action, results.” 

“You have to be patient. You cannot expect Tinubu to fix eight years of maladministration in one year. But come to think of it, I think in a mysterious manner, Nigeria has just stumbled on a divine solution.” 

“Beware of blasphemy. Leave God out of this. Our problems in Nigeria are man-made. Nobody should blame God.” 

“I said divine. I didn’t mention God but you know God works through human beings. God has sent unto us one of his prophets to solve our problems.”

“And who is that?”

“Prophet Odumeje. Abidoshaker. Ganduka Gandusa. Indaboski. The Liquid Metal. The man has acquired powers. He says with his powers, he brought down the value of the dollar against the Naira and the Naira appreciated. But he left town for London with his powers, the Naira lost a little value and now that he is back, he will fix the Naira.” 

“What powers?”

“Citadel. Pandemic. Epidemic. Pandemonium. Sanctus Sanitorias and Burning Fire.”

“Listen to that meaningless mumbo-jumbo. And who is Abido Shaker?”

“Man of God.”

 “I think he is a clown. A comedian. An entertainer. I think he should be in Nollywood, not anywhere near a pulpit. You people worship pastors, not God. You actually believe that a prophet is the solution to Nigeria’s problems?”

 “When the man went to London, people rushed to the airport to receive him. They even paid to watch him perform his latest song: Powers. He attracted a large crowd. When he returned to Nigeria, he was received by a large crowd, dancing and singing his praises. The man has his own style.”

“Nigerians like entertainment and that pastor is good at making skits. I am not surprised.” 

“I hear he can use his powers to ensure steady electricity supply, generate employment and place Nigeria on the path of growth. You never know with these spiritualists. Don’t you think he should be consulted by the Nigerian government? Yemi Cardoso and Wale Edun can invite him to a meeting and explore ways of how his powers can be unleashed to fix monetary and fiscal policies.”

“He should be given a stern warning to stop misleading people. One of these days he would cause a pandemonium. The person that actually shocks me is that musician called Flavour. What does he hope to gain doing a collabo with Indaboski?”

“He probably hopes to get powers that would jump-start his musical career.” 

“I sympathize with him if that is the case. He doesn’t need powers to do well as an artiste. Let him go and work hard on his talent and concentrate on his craft. Can’t he see that Indaboski is using him? Nonsense.”

“His choice. This is a free country. He is responsible for his own brand and identity. And in any case, I don’t think anybody is using anybody. They are both using each other. You will be surprised that their song may end up as a bestseller on the charts.”

“What I know is that people make stupid choices in this country. Like those young men who went to protest at the EFCC Headquarters yesterday. They turned EFCC vs. Alhaji Yahaya Bello into an Ebira youths vs Igalla youths conflict. I hear the protesters were ethnic gladiators.”

 “Everything in Nigeria is always ethnicized. With so much unemployment in the country, you will always find more than enough idle youths to support any cause.” 

“EFCC has already staged enough drama around this case. It should not get involved in Ebira or Igalla politics. The matter is already in court. The courts will decide on the weight of evidence provided. Enough of the circus and all you television lawyers should beware of running foul of the law.”

“I understand what you are saying. The part of the story that shocks me, actually, is the fact that people spend foreign currency in this country as if it were the national currency. The Chinese supermarket that was shut down in Abuja the other day, we were told designates items in Chinese and price tags in yen, not Naira. There are many schools, real estate companies, and luxury stores that transact business in dollars only.”

“Even some government agencies collect tariffs in dollars and claim that it is because their business is international. Nigeria’s crude oil is sold in dollars for example.”

“So, how do we expect the Naira to remain stable? I think what the American International School Abuja (AISA)’s involvement in the Bello case so far is that the government must move swiftly to outlaw the use of dollars for basic transactions in the country, instead of chasing people who are spraying small change at social parties.” 

“Even that is an offence. There is no such thing as a small offence. The law is the law.” 

“The law must be seen to be fair to all parties concerned. This is why I support the idea of a justice sector reform. For Heaven’s sake, we can’t even maintain correctional facilities. There was a small downpour the other day in Suleja and the perimeter wall of the correctional facility gave way. Over 100 inmates escaped. Before now, there have been jail breaks in Koton Karfe in Kogi state, Benin and Oko in Edo State, Kuje in FCT, and Okitipupa in Ondo State. Every incident has been traced to the poor management of the correctional facilities.” 

“But what has this got to do with justice sector reform?”

“Everything. Justice administration is a chain from law enforcement to the judicial system to the custodial centres. There is no justice if the prisons are congested, if children are kept in maximum prison facilities, if security dogs are fed with N800 per day and inmates N700 per day. There is no justice when cases are delayed and the prisons are full of awaiting trial persons.”

“I am really sorry. I don’t want to talk about the plight of prisoners. Even those of us who are not in custodial centres are in prison in real terms. This country is a big prison yard.” 

“I won’t put it like that. I guess we should at least be grateful for the little opportunities we get. There is nothing like being free, and having tomorrow to look forward to. Look at one example. The Edo State Government has just increased the minimum wage in the state to N70, 000. That is good news.”

“I hear Lagos has also done the same thing.” 

“No. That story has been debunked by Gbenga Omotoso, the Lagos Commissioner for Information. What Lagos has in place is a comprehensive welfare programme called Eko Cares which covers food, healthcare and transportation.”

“Lagos can in fact pay up to N100, 000 if it so decides. Afterall, the Governor’s nickname is Sanwo Eko. Let him bring out the money. Sanwo Eko, show us the money. What is money?”

“Just confess that your sister works with the Lagos State Government and you want her to earn more.” 

“There is nothing wrong with that. We are in a country where you have to look out for yourself.”    

“This is why we are where we are”

“That is why Africa is the way it is.”

“Look at South Africa. Thirty years after the end of apartheid rule, the racist masters have been replaced by a local elite which has not really done much for the poor black majority. Our leaders in Africa only want power for power’s sake. If the ANC is not careful, it may not even get up to 40% in the May 29 elections. Obsession with power and corruption have broken up the party.”

“Typically African. South Africa after Mandela.”

“Look at Togo where the people went to the polls yesterday in a parliamentary election.”

“Is that an election? Faure Gnassingbe amended the Constitution to keep him in power till 2033. There is also the chance that he will remain President for life. He has been in power since 2005, the year that he seized power as birthright. His family has been ruling Togo since 1967.”  

“The opposition parties do not stand any chance in Togo.”  

“The Black man is the biggest problem to himself and to others.”

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:25

Tunde Onakoya, the 29-year-old Nigerian Chess Master who has just broken the World Record for the longest chess marathon is most appropriately an embodiment of the Nigerian can-do spirit, the capacity of the average Nigerian to snatch victory from the depths of despair, indeed just when you think it is over, the Nigerian is so resilient, he keeps foraging for faith.  Nigerian President Bola Ahmed Tinubu has praised Onakoya’s audacity. He has been hailed as a worthy ambassador, in whom the spirit of excellence flowers by Vice President Kashim Shettima, former Vice President Professor Yemi Osinbajo, and Lagos State Governor, Babajide Sanwoolu. He has done well. He is doing well. Nigerians have every reason to be proud of him. He has demonstrated that the true Nigerians are not those who bemoan their fate and resort to the antics of the lower depths, but those who turn even the smallest of opportunities that come their way into an avenue for glorious achievement with determination and hardwork. 

 

And so it is with Tunde Onakoya, who played chess from Wed, April 17, 2024 till Saturday, April 21 (2. 40 a.m.), to beat the world record of 56 hours, 9 minutes and 37 seconds set in 2018 by two Norwegians – Hallvard Flatebo and Sjur Ferkingstad. Tunde Onakoya teamed up with the American Chess Master, Shawn Martinez, to play chess for 60 hours non-stop. He was unbeaten in more than 170 games.  The World Guinness Book of Records organization requires for its purpose two players, playing against each other and others, with short breaks of five minutes for every hour or a longer 30-minute break every six hours. The new record is yet to be officially announced, this may take a few weeks, but Onakoya’s feat was not hidden- it was in the open, at the Times Square in New York, with spectators watching every move on the board of play. History has been made and it has come from the most unlikely place for Nigeria – chess, in a country that often fails to pay attention to other sports. Onakoya himself alluded to this when he said that “it is possible to do great things from a small place.” 

 

Indeed, it is possible for small things and small places to result in significant human experience of great proportions as we have seen in that novel titled “The God of Small Things” (1997) by Indian writer, Arundhati Roy, and the 2008 British movie, “Slumdog Millionaire” set in Mumbai. The idea of the slum as place and metaphor is a strong referent in Nigerian popular imagination more so the fact that great things do happen in small places. It is not the smallness of things that matter but the greatness, the humanity that is embedded in the most unthinkable places. Ajegunle, for example, is a slum neighbourhood in the city of Lagos: it is probably the most popular location for most of the creative outputs in the country, the source of the music of contemporary artistic talents such as Daddy Fresh, Daddy Showkey, Baba Fryo, Oritsefemi, Nico Gravity, Father U-Turn, Don Jazzy, Basket Mouth, KC Presh and the artistry of some of Nigeria’s well-known footballers – Peter Rufai, Taribo West, Samson Siasia, Victor Agali, Emmanuel Amunike, Odion Ighalo. The slum as an incubation hub for talent and innovation is a fascinating subject for further inquiry into the interconnectedness of space, spirit and effort.

 

Tunde Onakoya, the chess-master, it must be noted, learnt to play chess in a slum in Ikorodu, Lagos State, precisely at a barber’s shop. Now something about the barber’s shop is that it is a very traditional meeting point in communities in parts of Nigeria, very much like the newspaper stands of old which produced “Free Newspaper Readers Associations” across the country. The barber’s shop was an ecosystem for games. While you waited to have your hair cut, or you just happen to show up as a spectator, you were bound to see people playing draught, chess, ludo, card, snake and ladder, or the more local, ayo game. Somewhere in a corner would be a board displaying all the possible hair styles: “Girls Follow Me”; “Rico Bay”, “Gorimapa”, but over the years, the haircut styles became trendier: “Line Up”, “Waves”, “Twisted Curls”, “Afro”.  The barber has always been a wise man: he attracts customers and company with games and music. I know one person who shall remain nameless, a veteran of the barber’s shop ayo games of old, who went on to become a Governor and an elder statesman. The same ecosystem has now produced a World Champion in Chess. 

 

The good news about Tunde Onakoya is his kindness and the fact that he never forgot his humble beginnings. He kept playing chess, and ended up as the Number 13 Chess player in Nigeria. As a student at the Yaba College of Technology, he won prizes playing chess. He is also a board member of The Gift of Chess, a non-profit in New York, United States. In 2018, he established a volunteer non-profit group known as Chess in Slums Africa under the auspices of which he trained young persons, mostly from the slums like Makoko in Lagos, and through partnerships, the group promoted chess as an educational tool. By 2021, Chess in Africa Slums had trained over 1,000 children, and organized chess competitions that even produced a 10-year-old-boy with cerebral palsy as a chess champion. One of his students once defeated the acting Canadian High Commissioner to Nigeria, Kevin Tokar in a chess exhibition game. He plans to train over one million children within the next five years. Onakoya has pursued his passion further by seeking to break the extant Guinness World Record for the longest chess marathon, not for personal glory, but to raise US One million dollars for the education of children in Africa, and to build a free chess academy and a STEM innovation lab in Lagos. He may not have immediately achieved the $1million mark, but he has given more popularity to chess, and provided an opportunity for the appreciation of the Nigerian spirit. While the marathon happened, many Nigerians trooped to New York Times Square to cheer him on. The cheer leaders included music stars, Davido and Adekunle Gold, drummers, and Nigerians in Diaspora in general who counted the hours and were inspired by the enthusiasm of being Nigerian, witnessing the possibility of another Nigerian making history. The weather was wintry cold, but it did not matter. During the intervals, the Nigerians played music and danced. It was no longer just chess, but culture, nationalism, art and diasporic fraternity all rolled into one capsule, to create memories and history.   

 

This trope, for me, was strongly captured in Tunde Onakoya’s post-victory statement on his X handle (@Tunde_OD) when he wrote as follows: “Catching up on social media now and I’ve constantly fought back tears. Love you guys very much. I’ll do a proper post when I find the right words to express all of the emotions I feel right now. Let me delve into this Jollof rice for now. It’s my first meal in almost four days. I had some food poisoning during the marathon so I couldn’t eat anything at all. Just water.” Such endurance. Such patriotism. Onakoya was advised to discontinue the marathon when he developed stomach problems, but he insisted he would see the mission to the end, and he did. He didn’t eat for four days.  “Just water.”  He refused to quit on the kids. This is the stuff of endurance and determination. And when the goal had been reached and victory secured, his first meal was Jollof Rice. Those who know would proclaim the symbolism of the choice of jollof rice. It is a subtle way of flying the Nigerian flag.  Jollof rice is a special delicacy for Nigerians and the argument has not yet been resolved about which country cooks the best jollof rice in West Africa, between Nigeria, Ghana, and Senegal. Onakoya has projected Nigerian Jollof Rice, as the choice brand by announcing it as his first meal after his victory at a Marathon. May the God of Nigerian Jollof Rice continue to bless him! 

 

But I suppose the more important thing about the euphoria would be the lessons that we can learn from his example. He is a young man of 29, who has never seen what a silver spoon looks like, but with the talent that God has given him, he has tried to help encourage and assist street children and the underprivileged to give them hope. Many Nigerian leaders who have been wielding stolen silver spoons have no vision of doing anything for anybody. It is always about their self-interest, and not public interest and it is the reason there is so much angst and despair in the land, and so much lack of trust between Nigerian leaders and the people. We need leaders, including those who are products of privilege to learn to commit to the common good, not their own ego and insecurities. It is encouraging that Nigerian leaders including the President are full of praise for Tunde Onakoya. It is people like him that should be on the next National Honours List of Nigeria, not the money-miss-road, chieftaincy title crowd. Every year, we miss out most people who are true ambassadors for our nation and give big honours to the most undeserving. President Tinubu must reverse that ugly trend.  

 

Meanwhile, Tunde Onakoya is the latest Nigerian to seek and emerge, pending confirmation, as a Guinness Book World Record holder. The frenzy would seem to have hit the roof when Ms Hilda Effiong Bassey, Hilda Baci for short, won a marathon cooking record with 93 hours and 11 minutes in May 2023. Her record was surpassed later that same year by Irish chef Alan Fisher but her feat ignited a World Record fever in Nigeria, the imprint of which continues to endure. Nigerians love opportunities. When they identify one, or someone points them in a direction, they would rush as if they were competing for gold. Hilda Baci became an instant celebrity: receptions were organized for her by governments and companies, she got plots of land and many gifts, she became an actress, and with her beauty and culinary skills, she became the darling of suitors and men who ogled her pictures. The Madonna University graduate had done everyone so proud that many Nigerians actually wanted to cook too. Less than a month after her victory, one Chef Dammy of Oye-Ekiti, Ekiti State entered the kitchen in search of a Guinness World Record that would beat Baci’s record. In Ondo State, there was a Chef Deo who wanted to cook for 150 hours.  In Oyo State, there was Chef Adebayo, a 140-hour aspirant. There have been other attempts as well. A computer Science lecturer, Joshua Hassan Bature of the Department of Computer Science, Federal University of Technology, Ado Ekiti reportedly announced a 150-hour teaching marathon.  

 

There was also Alejo Pataki who announced a 200-hour singing marathon. In Ekiti State, one Sugartee proposed a kissing marathon – kiss-a-thon.  He ended up not kissing anybody, but Sugartee generated some interest and even got invited to Government House! One Joyce Ijeoma embarked on a body massaging Marathon. She collapsed in the process.  In more recent cases, there is Zahan Isaac Kuma (aka Mr. Reliable) who wants to do a marathon Ironing Festival in pursuit of a Guinness World Record (23 – 28 April, 2024) in Abuja at the Jabi Lake Mall, he says - “for the sake of that little child on the street.”  When. Mr. Reliable appeared on The Morning Show of Arise News yesterday, I had asked him questions about electricity supply – availability and cost - considering the fact that the Jabi Lake Mall is a Band A location on the electricity spectrum. He sounded upbeat and confident. He said people should bring their clothes for ironing. I pray he does not burn anybody’s cloth, just in case he gets tired or there is a power surge -because that could add a new twist to the story.     

 

What is noteworthy is that the attempts by Nigerians have inspired others across the border in Ghana and also in Cameroon, where one lady said she wanted a sex-a-thon – sex with strong men for 200 hours. Imagine! 

 

Tunde Onakoya sets a different example and represents a far more ennobling engagement. The Nigerian government should through his Times Square outing see that chess has the potential of becoming an important sport in Nigeria and thereby make the necessary effort to promote it in the country. Onakoya was raised in a slum in Ikorodu, now he is in New York, jollofing! The first time he boarded a plane and travelled abroad was only about two years ago. Now his story is on every major news channel in the world, and the front pages of newspapers, all because he started playing chess in one small place on the map called Ikorodu, and turned it into a life-long passion.  Truly, “it is possible to do great things from a small place” – an inspiration for every young person out there in search of meaning and purpose.  Congratulations, Tunde Onakoya and to everyone who supported him along the way, well done. 

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:25

On Saturday, April 13, a group of 18 masked persons dressed in army camouflage, armed with rifles, charms and Oodua Nation flags attempted to take over the Oyo State House of Assembly and Government Secretariat to proclaim the emergence of a Yoruba Nation. They caused some commotion as they insisted on hoisting a flag, but the rag-tag team of insurrectionists were soon overpowered and arrested by officers of the Nigerian Police Command. Well, not quite. They resisted the police but when soldiers from the 2 Div. of the Nigerian Army arrived on the scene, the Oodua boys took to their heels.  Cowards! They should have waited and argue with the soldiers over the integrity and sovereignty of Nigeria. But the twist in the tale turned out to be the appearance of a woman on several platforms - Modupe Onitiri Abiola, who endorsed the action of the Oodua 18 and proclaimed that a Democratic Republic of Yoruba had emerged with effect from April 13, 2024. The additional twist in the tale is that the woman introduced herself as a widow of Chief MKO Abiola, the undeclared winner of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, pillar of sports in Africa, entrepreneur, philanthropist and a martyr of democracy.  

 

Nigerians are probably used to persons, groups – ethnic and socio-cultural - threatening to leave Nigeria and declare their own separate country, to as they argue correct the mistake of 1914, so-called, or to seek meaning in a new association. Afterall, in February 1966, Isaac Adaka Boro, an Ijaw ethnic minority rights activist, formed a group known as the Niger Delta Volunteer Force and declared the formation of a Niger Delta Republic.  He and his group fought the Nigerian Forces for 12 days before they were overwhelmed, arrested, tried for treason and thrown into jail. This was the first major rebellion against the Nigerian state. The same year, following the Unitary Decree No 34 of the Aguiyi Ironsi military government, the people of Northern Nigeria were so dissatisfied with the turn of events in Nigeria, they openly talked about “Araba” – meaning “let us separate.”  In January 1966, there had been a military coup which resulted in the death of Northern leaders and others, notably Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Northern Region Premier, Chief Ladoke Akintola, Premier of the Western Region, and Festus Okotie-Eboh, Minister of Finance. 

 

The coup was led by Kaduna Nzeogwu, an Ibo man, and with that collapse of Nigeria’s First Republic, the new leader was also an Ibo man, General Thomas Umunnakwe Aguiyi-Ironsi, the first military Head of State of Nigeria. The North had wanted to separate but eventually there was a counter coup in July 1966, which ousted the Ironsi regime, which further widened the centrifugal ethnic fissures in Nigeria. In July 1967, the Ibos fought back. Led by Lt. Col. Chukwuemeka Odimegwu Ojukwu, they declared the Republic of Biafra, meaning they were determined to secede from Nigeria. The war that ensued lasted three years – 6 July 1967 – 15 January 1970. That was 54 years ago, but there are signs that the civil war in Nigeria has not really ended.  Nigeria took a turn for the worse. The rain began to beat us. 

 

The separatist spirit would again show up on April 22, 1990 in the coup speech by Major Gideon Orkar whose plan, as announced, included the excision of five Northern states of Bauchi, Borno, Katsina, Kano and Sokoto from Nigeria. The Orkar group was convinced that the people from these five states were the problem with Nigeria and they should just get out and form their own country. Thus, Orkar and 41 of his colleagues wanted to seize government and re-draw the map of Nigeria. They were captured by government troops, charged for treason, convicted and executed by firing squad. However, the fact that treason attracts the punishment of death has not deterred those who think that Nigeria must be dismembered, or that the map must be re-drawn. The year 2012 witnessed the emergence of a separatist, nativist, Igbo nationalism, anti-Fulani, neo-Biafra group called the Indigenous People Of Biafra (IPOB) which aims to restore and actualize the dream of Biafra. IPOB is led by Mazi Nnamdi Kanu who has been facing trial for treasonable felony since 2016. Before IPOB, there was also Radio Biafra established by Mazi Kanu in 2009, there was Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra led by Ralph Uwazurike (1999) and there was the Biafra Zionist Movement (BZM) led by Benjamin Igwe Onwuka (2012). There have also been talks about the possibility of an Arewa Reepublic. 

 

A common thread in the foregoing is that every attempt at separation in Nigeria has been driven by frustration with the Nigerian arrangement, protests against bad governance, cries of marginalization or victimization, with ethnic identity and questions of federalism, religion and resource control thrown into the mix. For example, in 1993, following the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election which denied MKO Abiola, a Yoruba man, victory, the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC) was formed to defend Yoruba rights and to remind the Babangida military junta that Yoruba people would not be cheated.  OPC was founded and led by Dr. Frederick Fasheun. It was also known as the Oodua Liberation Movement, or the Revolutionary Council of Nigeria. There would later be a more militant faction of the group, a breakaway faction, led by Gani Adams, who is now the Aaare Ona Kakanfo of Yorubaland, that is the Yoruba Generalissimo, defender of the Yoruba realm. The OPC never really pushed the idea of leaving Nigeria: the group, Fasheun or Gani Adams faction has consistently focused on defending Yorubaland against any form of attack or aggression from other groups and to protect Yorubaland, covering both the South Western states and Itsekiriland in the Delta. The Itsekiri are cousins of the Yoruba. They share cultural, linguistic and political heritage 

 

What we must note is that the Yoruba who had been maintaining a pacifist, federalist position in the matter soon began to talk about secession too, with the emergence under the Buhari administration (2015 – 2023) of the likes of Professor Banji Akintoye, and the militant Sunday Igboho who announced an Oodua Republic with a group known as Ilana Omo Yoruba in response to what they considered the Fulanization of Nigeria by the Buhari government and the assault on Yoruba territories by Hausa-Fulani herders. Ideologically, their objective was to protect Yoruba territory against Fulani invasion, to avoid a repeat of the seizure of Ilorin, a Yoruba town, in the 19th century.  The group petitioned the United Nations.  The mainstream Yoruba position however had always been restructuring and federalism, as canvassed by the Awoist group, the OPC and the Afenifere. The idea of an Oodua Republic looked like a fall-back position. 

 

Sunday Igboho’s activism and militancy telegraphed what happened in Ibadan on Saturday. He is a self-determination activist who went beyond Professor Akintoye’s theoretical disposition to ask for an immediate declaration of an Oodua Republic. Of course, the Nigerian state went after him. He had to spend three years in exile and only recently returned for his mother’s burial. But that is another story.  It would be recalled, however, that in April 2021, more than 100 self-determination groups stormed Ibadan to declare an Oduduwa Republic, and a Yoruba nation. They included the Nigerian Indigenous Nationalities Alliance for Self-Determination (NINAS), the Youth Initiative, Itsekiri National Youth Council, Ilana Omo Oodua and the Homeland Group. They were dispersed by the police. Now in 2024, we have a Mrs Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, leading a relatively unknown Ominira Yoruba group, trying to take over power in Oyo State. Special attention should be paid to the fact that the group has been disowned by both Professor Banji Akintoye and Sunday Igboho whose real name is actually Chief Sunday Adeyemo. Professor Akintoye says the group must be an agent of the Fulanis still desperate to destabilize Yorubaland. Igboho says he does not know the group, and that they are so “low-brained”. Akintoye and Igboho seem convinced that the Ibadan secessionists must be insane. No Yoruba leader has come out to identify with Mrs. Abiola’s group. 

 

My take however is that the Yoruba elite cannot distance themselves from what has happened. Each and every one of them who has been calling for this or that or else, is guilty. I refer them to Ebrahim Hussein’s Kinjekitile, a 1979 play written by the Tanzanian playwright on the Maji Maji war. The lesson of that play is that a word when spoken develops a life of its own, beyond the author of the word. You can break a community, nation and even the world, by the power of words spoken. Those who ask that the mistake of 1914 must be revisited and that Nigeria must be renegotiated have their point, but let them also think about the effect of their pronouncements. MASSOB created IPOB. Nnamdi Kanu gave birth to Simon Ekpa. Self-determination, the right of a people to decide their own destiny is a fundamental right under the UN Charter (Article 1 sub. 2), and we have seen that in the case of Kosovo, and Abhkazia, and the unresolved, ongoing cases of Kurdistan, Northern Cyprus, Quebec, Scotland, Western Sahara, Tibet and Taiwan. Nonetheless, the April secessionists of Ibadan led by Mrs Onitiri -Abiola and others of their ilk must be reminded that whereas Nigeria is a signatory to international laws and conventions, it remains a country governed by specific domestic laws, and this is where I think Mrs. Abiola and her band of 18 soldiers are in troubled waters. Section 2 of the Nigerian 1999 Constitution states clearly that Nigeria is “one indivisible and indissoluble sovereign state to be known by the name of the Federal Republic of Nigeria.” Section 37 of the Criminal Code prescribes the death penalty for anyone who tries to tamper with Nigeria’s sovereignty. The offence is defined as treason. In Sections 40 – 43 of the same Code, the law refers to treasonable felony which attracts the punishment of a life imprisonment. Mrs Abiola and her gang have definitely ran foul of the law. They must be arrested, investigated, and prosecuted. Mrs. Onitiri-Abiola is said to be abroad; proceedings should be initiated post-haste for her extradition and interception wherever she may be in the world, and made to answer for her sin. 

 

She reportedly disclosed with her own mouth that she is a widow of Chief MKO Abiola, a man who struggled and died in the process, to rescue this country from sheer hopelessness. In 1993, every section of Nigeria, including the North voted massively for Abiola in what was acknowledged as the freest and fairest election ever conducted in Nigeria. He was both a hero and a martyr of democracy.  And just like that, here comes Mrs. Modupe Onitiri-Abiola, one of Chief’s many wives, suddenly showing up from Alhaji’s harem, many years after, spitting on his grave and legacy.  Is she truly of the MKO stock? I think the Abiola family owes us a duty of issuing a statement to clarify at least one point: that Mrs. Onitiri-Abiola does not speak for the family. MKO Abiola is one of Yorubaland’s major icons of the 20th and 21st centuries, and a Nigerian hero.  It is sad that anyone at all, would dare associate his name with less noble causes.   

 

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must feel personally embarrassed. He is President of Nigeria from the Yoruba stock and his own people, whoever they are, are trying to take over government? It is either he is terribly disconnected from his own people or he is not paying enough attention to certain details. The other month, he came to Lagos and on his way to the mosque, his own people trooped out to complain about hunger. When he came back home for the Eid-el-Fitri festival, a week ago, he conveniently restricted himself to Ikoyi and worshipped at a place not farther than the Dolphin Estate. Wait a moment. Are Yorubas in a position to even claim that they are marginalized now that they have their own kinsman and half of the tribe of Lagos in government? President Tinubu must address “the peculiar mess” that occurred in Ibadan on April 13. He should find out if there are certain fifth columnists seeking to embarrass his government, using Yorubaland as their play field. He took an oath to defend the Nigerian Constitution. Every Nigerian leader that I have worked or interacted with insists that they are sworn to an oath to protect the indivisibility of Nigeria under their watch. Tinubu must wake up. He must not allow a situation whereby his own people are the ones calling for the dissolution of Nigeria while he is President, whatever all the textbook arguments may be. Mrs. Modupe Onitiri-Abiola must be given the Nnamdi Kanu treatment! 

 

We had Chief Olabode George on The Morning Show (TMS) of Arise News yesterday and he drew attention to the failure of intelligence in the Ibadan matter. The old man was right. I share his view. How on earth did the Yoruba secessionists plan, organize and move to the Oyo State Government Secretariat without anybody catching a whiff of their intentions. Their spokesperson lives abroad. They must have been in touch with her through phone calls, messages and all that. And nobody picked that up? They even bought and wore military camouflage. And all the spokespersons of the Service Chiefs will come and tell us that they are committed to the defence of the sovereignty of Nigeria? Please how do you and your troops defend this country when you sleep on duty? And where was the station manager of the Department of State Security (DSS) in Oyo State and all the other agencies?  They must all be called in for questioning. Sleeping on duty is not allowed. And one more point, where was the Nigerian Security and Civil Defence Corps?  It is the duty of that agency to protect and defend public infrastructure. Section 3 of the Civil Defence Act as amended (2007) gives the agency broad powers “to assist in the maintenance of peace and order and in the protection and rescuing of the civil population during the period of emergency.” The agency also has powers under section 3 (f) “to arrest with or without warrant, detain, investigate and institute legal proceedings by or in the name of the Attorney General of the Federation in accordance with the provisions of the Constitution of the Federal Republic of Nigeria…” Where was Civil Defence even if the other agencies failed? 

 

The bigger issue that we have to deal with perhaps is the increasing, creeping failure of the Nigerian state. Much fewer people today believe in the idea of Nigeria. This is why we have people challenging the state either through secessionist or separatist moves or complete abandonment of the country, the Japa phenomenon, with many believing or thinking that they would be better off in foreign lands. When Nigeria becomes attractive to its own people, we would have managed to create a nation.

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:25

Philip Shaibu, the Edo state politician who was Deputy Governor in that state until yesterday afternoon, would seem to have failed woefully to learn certain basic lessons of power. He has said that he is a victim of an act of injustice and that he would fight to the very end. He may have been led by his counsel to believe that he can fight this to the finish and get back his seat. He would be mistaken to be so misled. He had it coming. He has just been taught a few lessons in the dynamics of power play. The 48 Laws of Power is the title of a book written by Robert Greene, an American author in 1998. It was a massive bestseller, selling over 1.2 million copies in the United States and even more world-wide, offering simple commonsensical advice, illustrated with narratives and historical examples to prove the point that power is a dangerous game, and only persons who understand its dynamics can survive in the palace. Greene recommends humility, obscurity and skillful navigation as the best skills of survival.

One of the reasons, Philip Shaibu, Deputy Governor of Edo State got impeached yesterday was due to hubris, defined in the literature as a flaw of character. And to worsen his agony, both the legislature and the Executive further conspired to nominate, approve, and swear in a replacement, within hours after his impeachment, in the person of Omobayo Godwins from Ibilo, Akoko Edo, the oldest local government area in Nigeria, in specifically, Edo North where Philip Shaibu himself hails from. In the power play that we have just witnessed in Edo State, it is clear that the intention of Governor Godwin Obaseki is to crush Philip Shaibu completely. He has publicly humiliated Shaibu, and forced him to know who the master of the game is. Less than a week after Easter, days after the betrayal of our Lord Jesus Christ by Judas Iscariot, Shaibu, a Christian has just been made to remember, forcefully, Acts 1: 20 – “For it is written in the book of Psalms, let his habitation be desolate, and let no man dwell therein and his place let another take”. Yesterday, someone else took Philip Shaibu’s place in Edo State.

 

How did he get here? Philip Shaibu emerged in 2016 as the running mate to Godwin Obaseki in the gubernatorial election in that state that year. They both won on the platform of the All Progressives’ Congress (APC). Shaibu was the unanimous choice as Obaseki’s running mate. He had behind him, the support of Comrade Governor Adams Oshiomhole who was his political Godfather and who left no one any choice in the matter. Shaibu and Oshiomhole are from the same homestead and Senatorial district. The APC won the election and assumed office in November 2016. To be fair, Shaibu and Obaseki cut the perfect picture of a team. Many were surprised because it was unusual to have a Governor and a Deputy Governor working together so peacefully like brothers. Shaibu was not just powerful, he was visible and influential. Whenever the Governor went on vacation, he handed over the reins of power to his Deputy. In 2020, when ahead of the struggle for a second term, Obaseki fell out with his former mentor, Adams Oshiomhole and had to leave the APC to find a new political abode in the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Shaibu stayed with his principal, the Governor. The big men in the rival PDP did not want him as running mate. They didn’t want him as part of the deal. But Obaseki and Shaibu were so much together, Obaseki insisted that Shaibu was part of the deal. He would not ditch him. He had his way. In 2020, Obaseki and Shaibu began a second term in office.

The Deputy Governor’s high moment came in 2021, when he led the National Sports Festival 2020, hosted by Edo State, as the Chairman of the Organizing Committee. Governor Obaseki was full of accolades for his Deputy. The Federal Government did not provide necessary funding, yet Edo State pulled it off, delivering one of the most memorable sports festivals many Nigerians had seen. Shaibu’s reputation as a go-to, can-do person soared. His political scorecard looked even brighter. At the University of Jos where he obtained a B. Sc degree in Accounting he was President of the Students’ Union from 2000 -2001. In 2003, he was elected into the Edo State House of Assembly. He spent two terms representing Etsako West Constituency. In 2015, he won election into the Federal House of Representatives on the platform of the APC, representing Etsako Federal Constituency. Having served subsequently as Deputy Governor, and having been such a star in that position, Shaibu decided in 2023, that it was his turn to become Governor and succeed his boss. The Edo Governorship election is slated for September 21, 2024.

 

Shaibu defined his declaration and ambition as a “a call to destiny”. This was the beginning of his problems. He did not have the support of his principal, Obaseki who thought, along with others that Edo North where Shaibu hails from, has had more than enough shot at the Government House position in Edo State. Oshiomhole, an Etsako man, was Governor of the state for eight years. Shaibu, believed to be his relative even, was going to serve for eight years as Deputy Governor. A powerful lobby group in the state believes that the people of Edo Central should be given a chance. Since the return to democracy in 1999, only one person from Edo Central, Professor Oserheimen Osunbor had shown up as Governor but even his tenure was truncated by the courts, paving the way for Adams Oshiomhole from Edo North. Whereas Governor Obaseki has insisted that he has no preferred candidate in the election, it was clear that he did not want his Deputy to succeed him. Thus, the impression that Edo State had shown a better example in terms of the tumultuous relationship between Governors and their Deputies ended up as mere illusion in the end. The fight between Shaibu and Obaseki turned messy and acrimonious, finally fitting into an established pattern with the impeachment of Philip Shaibu yesterday. It is unfortunate because it is so familiar.

 

The office of the Deputy Governor is a creation of the 1999 Constitution to the extent that Section 187 (1) makes it clear that a candidate for the office of Governor shall not be deemed to have been validly nominated unless he nominates another candidate as his associate for his running for the office, that is a Deputy Governor. The joint ticket nature of the Gubernatorial process has been proved, beyond a scintilla of doubt in PDP and 2 ors v. Biobarakuma Degi-Eremienyo and 3 ors in the November 2019 Bayelsa Governorship Election. David Lyon could not become Governor because of discrepancies in his running mate’s qualifications. Despite this twinning of the ticket, this Siamese-twins, umbilical cord connection between Governors and their Deputies, what has happened, since 1999, is that upon assumption of office, there has been no love lost between the duo. One reason is that the 1999 Constitution does not expressly assign powers to the Deputy Governor. The Governor, like the President at the Federal level, is like a monarch. He controls everything. His word is law, and so everyone from traditional rulers to lawmakers in the State House of Assembly learn very quickly that the man to fear and worship is the Governor, who claims that he is an “Executive” or that he is a “constituted authority.”

This “Kabiyesi” syndrome is the bane of Nigerian politics. The Deputy Governor gets a generous mention in Section 191 of the 1999 Constitution which upholds the principle of jus accrescendi inherent in the joint ticket, to wit a Deputy takes over in the event of death, resignation or incapacitation, but which is interpreted to mean that a Deputy Governor is a spare tyre waiting for the main tyre to develop a fault so it can be replaced and he, the Deputy can become the main driver. In a superstitious country such as ours, a Deputy Governor is treated with suspicion. Any sign of self-expression or assertiveness on his or her part is seen as a sign of disloyalty. Political courters capitalize on this and have always tried to cause problems. When the Deputy and the Governor have different Godfathers, the crisis is assured. It is rare to find any incumbent Governor who openly encourages his Deputy to succeed him. It happened in Zamfara once upon a time, but Alhaji Sani Yerima and his successor, Aliyu Shinkafi soon fell apart. Section 193 further reduces the role of a Deputy Governor to the discretion of the Governor. What is the pattern is conflict in Government Houses in the states and even in the Presidential Villa to varying degrees.

For example, President Bola Tinubu as Governor of Lagos State, 1999 – 2007 had three Deputy Governors. Mrs. Kofo Bucknor-Akerele and Mr. Femi Pedro both have stories to tell. Dr Abdullahi Umar Ganduje served as Deputy Governor to Dr. Rabiu Kwankwaso (1999 – 2003, 2011-2015) but his former boss did not consider him good enough to succeed him. He got there by his own means. They have remained tough adversaries since then in Kano politics. The late Christopher Alao-Akala, deputy to Governor Rashidi Ladoja became Governor in 2006, only because his principal was impeached. Ladoja was reinstated by the Supreme Court in December 2006. Bala Ngilari became Governor in Adamawa state in 2014 only because Governor Murtala Nyako was impeached. In Ondo State, to cite a recent example, the late Governor Rotimi Akeredolu had issues with his Deputies. In his first term, a certain Agboola Ajayi who was his Deputy fell out of favour because he was eyeing the Governor’s seat. His successor, Lucky Aiyedatiwa would also eventually run into trouble. He is Governor today because his principal died. At state level, only 10 out of 149 Deputy Governors have taken over from their bosses since 1999, across the 36 states of the Federation, and not necessarily because their bosses wanted them there. In Kebbi, Kano, Imo, Niger, Nasarawa, Plateau and Benue states, we have seen incumbent Governors supporting candidates other than their own Deputies who stubbornly sought to succeed them. Engr. David Umahi, now Minister of Works became Governor of Ebonyi State in 2015 in spite of his former principal Governor Martin Elechi who insisted that Umahi was not his choice. At the Federal level, the Obasanjo Presidency became a “Bolekaja Presidency” because then Vice President Atiku Abubakar wanted to unseat his boss before the 2003 general election. Obasanjo’s second term was a divided Presidency because the principal needed to teach his Deputy a lesson. In 2010, it took the invocation of a doctrine of necessity to get then Vice President Goodluck Jonathan to succeed President Umaru Musa Yar’Adua first as Acting President and later as President. Those who did not want Jonathan as President never gave up.

In sum, there is nothing unusual in the latest development in Edo State. What must be noted is the sheer stubbornness with which Shaibu took on the war against his principal. In the process, he was banished from Government House and restricted to a corner of Benin City. His media crew was withdrawn. He was stripped of all responsibilities. He was told in no uncertain terms that he would not be Governor. He went to court to defend his rights. He later withdrew the case. He apologized. But nothing changed. When the PDP held its party primaries, he organized his own event in his own house and declared himself as the chosen candidate. The next thing that came his way was the commencement of impeachment proceedings against him. On the surface of it, the state House of Assembly tried to follow the motions prescribed in Section 188 of the Constitution on the removal of a Governor or Deputy Governor from office. Shaibu and his lawyers claim that the House acted in violation of an ongoing process at a Federal High Court. Abuja. Without prejudice to Section 188 (10), the only remedy available to Shaibu is to prove in court that his removal was unconstitutional and seek to rely perhaps on Rashidi Ladoja’s case – see Muyiwa Inakoju and Ors. vs. Abraham Adeleke, Rashidi Ladoja and ors. (2007). But the times are different. The circumstances have changed. Shaibu’s political future hangs in the balance.

Whatever tricks his lawyers may still think they have in their bags, when Shaibu is alone let him reflect on how he ignored the laws of power. Law One says: “Never Outshine the Master.” Shaibu got so carried away he began to sound as if he was the master of the Governor. He openly boasted that without him Obaseki could never have been Governor and that he in fact funded his ambition and mobilized support for him. Obaseki has just shown him where power lies. He also violated the fourth law: “Always say less than necessary.” Shaibu believes that he can talk his way to the ticket for Osadebey House. Worse, he disobeyed Law 18: “Do not build fortresses to protect yourself. Isolation is dangerous.”. Shaibu isolated himself. He parted ways with Senator Adams Oshiomhole who helped him to build his political career. He quarreled with party big wigs like Dan Orbih. He abused elders and burnt bridges. He lacks the kind of support that propped up Dave Umahi in Ebonyi and Abdullahi Ganduje in Kano State. Isolation is indeed dangerous. Shaibu’s only saving grace would be how he stands in relation to Robert Greene’s Law 26: “Keep your hands clean”. Let us hope that his hands are clean.

Nonetheless, no man should be subjected to the kind of pain that he has had to endure simply because he wants to exercise his fundamental rights under the law. A system that turns Governors into mini-gods who determine other people’s fate is deplorable. The sycophantic breed of commissioners, special advisers, lawmakers and courtiers who would do anything to please the Governor of a state pose a serious threat to the democratic process. In the long run, Nigeria must make up its mind what it wants to do with the position of Deputies: it is either we protect that office constitutionally by assigning specific powers, or we scrap it.

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:26

I sympathize with Mohammed Bello Adoke, referred to above simply as Citizen Adoke. Not necessarily because I know him personally, he and I, having served this country during the tenure of President Goodluck Ebele Jonathan, former President, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces, Adoke from 2010 – 2015, and this writer from 2011 – 2015. I sympathize with him because of what Nigeria has done to him and how he has now become another living example of how many technocrats would rather shun the arena of public service because of how badly Nigeria has treated them, thus making it difficult for the best and the brightest to step forward to contribute to their nation’s development. I recall that many years ago, shortly after the annulment of the June 12, 1993 Presidential election, and the return to civilian rule in 1999, one of the major arguments put forward by civil society was that the military having messed up the country so badly, the return to politics and governance, as the military took their exit, never again to return, should be built on the involvement and participation of distinguished Nigerian technocrats in politics – men and women who have been tested in the field of practice and who could bring their experience to the public field.

 

This encouraged a significant number of persons – academics, lawyers, Nigerians at home and in diaspora, medical experts, engineers and accountants to elect to serve their country, if only to prove to the soldiers that the civilian populace could govern and that democracy is the best form of government. President Olusegun Obasanjo emerged from the residue of the 1993 – 1999 crisis as Nigerian President. In fairness to him, he bought into this logic and recruited personnel from across the spectrum. There were many Nigerians abroad who were persuaded to pack their luggage and return to serve their country. Other leading professionals at home joined the government, having been called upon to serve, many of them personally by Obasanjo. President Yar’Adua (2007 – 2010) also followed Obasanjo’s example. It soon became normal to have popular persons who had done well in professional practice serving in government, on the executive side and even more so in the legislature at all levels. Under President Goodluck Jonathan, the tradition continued. He had a team of bright technocrats, including some of the very best in their fields.

 

However, the sad part of the recruitment of the best and the brightest into the governance of Nigeria is that many of these talented persons often end up either being frustrated out of the system, or they end up being set up for infractions, or at worst, as is common, they are left with bruised hearts and egos. I once heard the story of an accomplished engineer who had worked in a top engineering company in the United States who was brought home to re-design some structures for the Nigerian electricity network. He came up with his designs which he thought would be cost-effective and deliver on the objective, but what he proposed would result in the demolition of some houses belonging to very powerful Nigerians. He was promptly advised to change his design to save those houses. He put up a spirited argument about engineering, cost and credibility. He was told that in this country some persons and spaces are untouchable. He quoted engineering expertise. He had to be reminded that Nigeria is not the United States. Out of frustration, the fellow packed his luggage and left. He would rank as one of the luckiest.

 

Many others who thought that they could join the post-military train and help save Nigeria were not so lucky. There are examples of Nigerians who have tried to save Nigeria but have paid with their lives, or the lives of their relatives, or who remain scarred for life. When they are invited to serve, it is natural for them to see that as a special form of recognition, out of a large population of more than 200 million people. But Nigeria is like a stockfish: when you think you can bend it with bare hands, you may end up bending your hands in the process. Many who tried did so in vain. The stories are many, and I do not want to delve into too many individual tales, because every example has its own peculiar details, true and fictional, real and imagined, since those we identify as the best and the brightest have their own individuality and moral peccadilloes.

 

I started with Citizen Adoke and it is his story that I want to tell as I know it. He has himself told a better part of his story in his partly biographical book, Burden of Service (Clink Street, 2019) in which he reported that having attained the esteemed rank of an SAN, he dreamt of becoming the Attorney-General and Minister of Justice of the Federation. He shared that dream with his mother, and they both prayed over it. He not only attained the silk, he also became Nigeria’s 21st Attorney-General of the Federation and Minister of Justice – a call of destiny for a poor, little boy from Nagazi, who read law by accident, and had to borrow a jacket for his university matriculation, only to be de-robed and humiliated publicly by the owner of the suit, and who in addition had to survive university education with the benevolence of friends who helped him with a 0-1-0 regime. Those who know, know what it means to go through university as an indigent student. After his Law School Education, Adoke even had to attend his Call to Bar ceremony in borrowed robes. He had no family or relative in attendance. But he was one of those who survived the odds. He practised law in Kano, acquired more education in Switzerland, and the UK, struggled to get to the top of the game and he ended up as a Senior Advocate of Nigeria (SAN). His book, Burden of Service basically tells the story of how he got to the very top of his profession, across the ranks and in public service. He gives an account of his dedicated service and the reforms and the innovations that he brought to bear as Nigeria’s 21st Attorney General of the Federation and Minister of Justice. It was an achievement that he loved and that he was proud of. But there were burdens and none was more punitive, like the Cross, than the experience he went through after leaving office.

 

The Jonathan administration under which he served lost the 2015 Presidential election to an opposition party, the All Progressives- Congress (APC) which has been ruling Nigeria since then till date. As soon as the PDP lost the election, the APC even before assuming office went after the Jonathan officials. Adoke was one of the main targets. In August 2015, he left Nigeria for further studies at the University of Leiden, the Netherlands. In November 2015, he was invited for questioning by the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC). He was accused of having collected bribe in the implementation of the OPL 245 Settlement Agreement, and that he waived taxes to get some personal settlement and used the proceeds of the same illegal settlement to buy property. He was traced all the way to the Netherlands where his apartment was searched for money laundering and corruption investigation reasons. His house in Abuja and in his home town of Okene, Kogi State were also searched. He received reports that there was a plan afoot to eliminate him, and that the whole matter was not just about allegations of a felony. He offers further clarifications and details in Chapter Eight (The Witch-Hunters) and Chapter Nine (The Mischief) in Burden of Service (2019).

 

In December 2016, he and eight others were formally charged at the Federal High Court, Abuja in respect of the OPL 245 transaction. His name was mentioned in two out of the nine charges, bordering on conspiracy, aiding and abetting and money laundering. His name was further mentioned in cases in other jurisdictions – Italy and London, involving the Italian oil giant, Agip-Eni, Shell and Malabu Oil and Gas. In 2020, the EFCC again filed another case against Mohammed Bello Adoke in the Federal High Court of Abuja accusing him of collecting N300 million gratification from the OPL 245 Transaction.

 

In Burden of Service, Adoke has argued that the allegations against him were malicious, because as he put it: “I did the best for my country. I saved my country from a certain liability of a $2 billion claim by Royal Dutch Shell at the International Centre for the Settlement of Disputes (ICSID), an organ of the World Bank. More so, the $210 million signature bonus paid for OPL 245 by Shell and Eni is the highest in the history of Nigeria. I did nothing wrong. I did not take a bribe, not even a cup of water, or a slice of cake. Along the line, the narrative about my role has been severely twisted, but the dust will settle someday and the whole truth will come out as straight as an arrow. Truth is so stubborn it refuses to give up until it triumphs.” Adoke did not fold his arms. He fought every challenge to his integrity in every court and in every jurisdiction. In the Nigerian courts, he and his lawyers made a “no case submission”. In January 2024, the EFCC eventually admitted that it indeed had no evidence against Mohammed Bello Adoke and that it had no objection to his “no case submission”. This was after the EFCC had presented its case for three years and after calling 10 witnesses. Last week, on March 27, the Federal Capital (FCT) High Court ruled definitively in the matter with Justice Abubakar Kutigi chastising the EFCC for filing frivolous charges against Adoke and six others. He commended the prosecution for conceding that it had no credible evidence to oppose the no-case application by Adoke and others but complained that the agency simply wasted four years and that the defendant should not have been charged in the first place. The prosecution failed to prove the essential elements of the offences for which the defendants were charged. His Lordship dismissed the EFCC case, and admonished the EFCC not to file such frivolous charges in the future. In effect, the Nigerian government has lost all the cases it filed or in which it was joined in Italy, the UK and even here in Nigeria with regard to OPL 245. This is scandalous.

 

It must be noted that in 2016, Adoke sought an order of the Federal High Court, Nigeria declaring that his involvement in the negotiation, execution and implementation of the OPL 245 Resolution Agreements was in line with Section 5 of the 1999 Constitution and that he could not be held liable on personal grounds. The Court, notably, found in his favour. In 2021, the Italian Court in Milan, discharged and acquitted all defendants in the OPL 245 case. Adoke was not on trial in Milan but his name was mentioned - another victory for him nonetheless. In 2022, the Federal Government further lost its case against Adoke and JP Morgan at the Business and Property Courts of England and Wales Commercial Court. At every turn, the Nigerian Government could not establish that any fraud had been committed in the OPL 245 transaction.

 

This is why this is a major triumph for all the defendants in the case. The full story of OPL 245 is in the public domain. Truth has now prevailed. Justice Kutigi spoke of the waste of four years by the EFCC. This is more than that. The EFCC and the Nigerian Government spent four years on a wild goose chase around the world from Italy, to London and here in Nigeria, on the frivolous pursuit of a case in which they lacked evidence. Even when courts in Italy and London dismissed the OPL 245 case, Nigeria kept at it, looking for every opportunity to nail persons they had condemned before any trial. The justice system should not work like that. This is a very bad commentary on our justice administration system. Our justice system must never be used to settle personal or political scores. In other parts of the world, before a person or an entity is charged to court, there would have been a diligent attempt to find and establish evidence and a prima facie case. Where this does not stand in the court of law, the matter is promptly dispensed with as seen in the handling of the OPL case in Italy and the UK.

 

In Nigeria, politics is more important than the law. Cases are delayed and you could be on trial for years even when you are innocent. Once you are marked out by the state as an adversary, the evidence does not matter. Mohammed Bello Adoke and others must count themselves lucky indeed. It is now possible to see reason in Adoke’s argument that he considers himself the target of a witch-hunt by the Nigerian government. I have singled him out to praise his resilience to get justice and prove his innocence. He serves as an example of why many Nigerians would rather stay away from public service. Justice Kutigi spoke of the EFCC wasting four years. I think that has to be calculated in real terms: the EFCC wasted the time of the court and wasted all the Nigerian resources spent in pursuit of a case that has now failed from one court to another.

 

The falsely accused lost more than four years. OPL 245 was such a cause celebre in which members of the public took positions. For more than four years, Adoke could not even return to Nigeria. He was in exile, away from work, family and friends. In December 2019, he was intercepted in Dubai, UAE by Interpol and detained for five weeks before he was brought back to the country. Nigeria had placed the name of its former Attorney General and Minister of Justice on an Interpol list of wanted persons! And now the same country says the same man has no case to answer. Nigeria must learn to be fair and more diligent and professional in the prosecution of allegations of misdeeds. The Federal Government owes Adoke and all others in the OPL 245 case an apology. The FG must also compensate them. President Bola Ahmed Tinubu must personally put a closure to the defamation by giving the necessary directives to address this gross embarrassment and ensure that under his watch, the EFCC and other agencies do not engage in any form of gross misconduct.

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:27

On March 7, 2024, we all woke up to the bewildering news that students of LEA Primary School and Government Secondary School, and at least one of their teachers had been abducted in Kuriga, Chikun Local Government Area of Kaduna state. The figure was put at 287. About the same period, 16 students had been abducted in Tsangaya, Sokoto State. Still in Kaduna state, just about a week earlier bandits attacked the Gonin-Gora community, a suburb of Kaduna metropolis and abducted 16 residents. We are in a situation in Nigeria today, marked by creeping anarchy and full-blown impunity whereby abductions, banditry, and terrorism no longer constitute any special news. What confounds is the seeming helplessness of the Nigerian state and the audacity of the criminals. The bandits who kidnapped 16 persons in Gonin Gora on February 28 in fact asked for a ransom of N40 trillion. Nigeria’s total budget for 2024 is N28.7 trillion, and yet bandits are bold enough to ask for almost double that as ransom. Those who kidnapped the pupils of Kuriga and their teacher were a bit modest. They asked for N1 billion. The sheer size of the ransom demands points to one thing: that the crime of kidnapping is now a big business in Nigeria. 

 

There are persons among us who live off the proceeds of kidnapping, banditry and terrorism and they are unapologetic about it. They have become so bold they ply their trade in the open, even in the Holy Month of Ramadan and Lent, something that was thought unthinkable in recent years. The bandits have lost their conscience. They are no longer touched by the spirit or season of Holiness. This is an indication of how bad things have become. It is in fact so bad that one report states that since President Tinubu’s assumption of office in May 2023, a total of 4, 777 persons have been abducted. Tinubu did not invent the crime of kidnapping – remember Chibok (2014), Dapchi (2018), Kankara (2020), Kagara (2021), and Jangebe (2021) before him, but it has since become worse under his watch. Large-scale, unprecedented insecurity stalks the land. Just when Nigerians were grieving over the abductions in the North, it was reported further that 17 soldiers of the Nigerian Army had been killed in Okuama community in Ughelli South Local Government Area of Delta State. The soldiers were butchered. Also in Ohoro Forest, Delta State, six men of the Nigerian Police Force who had been deployed in search of their missing colleagues were ambushed and killed. Six other policemen have also been declared missing. In Okigwe, Imo State, two more policemen were killed in the month of March. Anomie could not have chosen a worse time to manifest. 

 

It is therefore not surprising that President Bola Tinubu, commander in chief of the armed forces whose 72nd birthday comes up on Friday, March 29, has now declared that he would rather use the occasion to reflect and rededicate himself to the service of Nigeria. I consider his chosen sobriety in keeping with the spirit of the times. No commander in chief should dance on the graves of his own troops. Indeed, times such as this call for sober reflection, not just on the part of the President alone but all of us. How did we get to this point that nobody is safe anymore, and the people are so opposed to the men in uniform that they even kill them for sport?  President Tinubu has declared that there will be no drinking or dining on Friday. He has directed that nobody should place any adverts in the media to celebrate him. Whoever wants to mark the day should donate whatever they have to charity. I applaud the choice that the President has made. And incidentally, March 29, this week falls on Good Friday, the Friday before Easter, the significance of which is the crucifixion and death of Christ, the Son of God who sacrificed his life, so that whosoever believes in Him shall not perish but have Everlasting life (John 3: 15-19).  The key symbolism is sacrifice, the ultimate sacrifice of Christ, and the end of the Christian Holy Week. Thursday or Maundy Thursday is the commemoration of the Last Supper of Christ. On Friday, he was crucified, and He ascended to the Heavens. On Sunday, Easter Sunday, He rises, and the brethren break out in joyful celebration.  President Tinubu is well advised to set aside Friday, March 29, as a day of sober reflection even if he made no reference to Christian orthodoxy, or that we are in the Holy Month of Ramadan, as Nigeria has no state religion, so explicitly affirmed in Section 10 of the 1999 Constitution.  

 

It is however, nonetheless a week of good news, with the rescue of the kidnapped pupils of Kuriga, and the 16 abducted persons of Tsangaya in Sokoto state. The Defence Headquarters of the Nigerian Military had announced that due to the collaboration of the Federal Government and state/local authorities, the latter had been rescued and handed over to the Sokoto State Government and that the former, abducted on March 7 have also been rescued. Even in the face of the tragedy of the murder of 17 of their men in Delta, the Nigerian Army remains faithful in active service to its mandate of protecting the integrity and sovereignty of the Nigerian state. This is noteworthy. The pupils of the LEA school and the Government Secondary School in Kuriga, Kaduna state, were yesterday handed over to the State Governor, Senator Uba Sani and the school authorities and their parents. Kidnapping episodes in Nigeria do not always have happy endings, and even with this, there are unanswered questions. We were told on March 7, that a total of 287 persons were abducted from the morning assembly in the affected schools. But now, nobody seems to know the exact number of the persons that have been rescued, other than that one teacher died, and that 137 pupils have been rescued. 

 

The state government insists that this is the correct figure. But some other accounts are quoting 168. This is the terrible thing about Nigeria. In a country without correct population figures, and a proper identification system, we don’t know how many we are, we can’t account for goats or sheep, not to talk of human beings! Our schools don’t have a proper register of pupils or teachers. The students do not have identification numbers either. This is one country where human beings including uniformed officials of state can just disappear without trace, and they may never be found. It took the Nigeria Police Force, for example, a whole month to confirm that six of their men had been killed and another six were missing. The most ridiculous thing in Kuriga as of yesterday is that we were counting on parents to confirm if their missing children had returned. Some of the parents reportedly died during the agonizing 17-day wait, like one woman whose four children were abducted. Nigeria failed her.  

 

This should be a major point of reflection for President Tinubu. He has promised that he understands his responsibility to make this country safe for all and that he will put mechanisms in place to that effect. He must. His opponents have even told him not to wait. I refer to the Waziri Adamawa, Presidential Candidate of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), Atiku Abubakar and Mr. Peter Obi of the Labour Party (LP).  Every other group, including the Northern Elders Forum (NEF) and the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) has asked that Nigeria must be made safe, for everyone. Tinubu’s big problem is that whereas people were willing to make excuses for President Buhari before him, the story out there is that Tinubu must live up to his election campaign boast that he performed wonders in Lagos, and that he will do it again in Nigeria. Buhari’s odd reputation is that he sleep-walked through the eight years that he was President. Tinubu must avoid a situation whereby before his very eyes, Nigerians would start saying that they are now missing Buhari, and that they were better off during the Buhari years. The sad story is that this is beginning to happen. Somnambulism, better still, playing possum, cannot be a strategy of leadership. 

 

Under Buhari, people could eat bread, rice, beans, and plantain. In today’s Nigeria, even barbers and tailors are quick to tell you that the dollar has gone up against the Naira. Please what is a tailor or a barber doing with the foreign exchange market?  The kind of thing we are beginning to see is that under Tinubu’s watch, a Binance Holdings Executive, Nadeem Anjarwalla, one of two persons accused of financial crimes against Nigeria, has disappeared from state custody, in broad daylight. The man simply vanished, we were told, from a guest house and fled to the Middle East even when his British passport was in the custody of the Nigerian authorities. We can’t even secure accused persons? Oh, come on. What is this? I have heard some persons saying that one big lesson Tinubu and his team would need to learn is that Abuja is not Lagos. Please, can we all get serious and sit up straight? The President of Nigeria must ensure that whoever had a hand in the killing of uniformed men in the Delta or that helped Anjarwalla (the Binance Ajantala – that is - Yoruba folk phrase for an abnormal creation) is made to answer for it. That Ajantala must be brought back here to answer to the charges against him, and on no account must the other Binance man who is still in our custody disappear. Tinubu must not take any form of nonsense from those who intend to ridicule him and are beginning to show their hands. There is no way Anjarwalla will find his way to the proverbial Aja escape hatch without the help of Nigerian officials. 

 

Now back to the children of Kuriga that returned yesterday. The Federal Government has been making heavy capital out of the claim that the Federal government did not pay any ransom to get the children back. It is unfortunate that this seems to be more important to them than providing necessary counsel for the affected families and ensuring that this does not happen again in another school. If government officials think they are deceiving us, we are not deceived. The kidnappers asked for N1 billion as ransom. Yes, President Tinubu said the government will not pay ransom, but does anyone expect the sensible people of Nigeria to believe that the kidnappers who asked for N1 trillion just woke up on a good side of the bed and then decided to release the children, most of whom are between the ages of 8 and 15? When government officials feel like telling lies, they must learn to do so in an intelligent manner.  The belief out there is that the real meaning of the collaboration between the Federal Government and state/local authorities is that money exchanged hands, and that the kidnappers made good money. Please stop passing off a dog to us as a monkey. A dog is a dog. A monkey is a monkey. There is so much monkey business going on. Otherwise, the actual story should have been that in the course of the negotiations, Federal authorities arrested and demobilized the kidnappers and bandits, but that never happens. In Nigeria, kidnappers always come across as benevolent spirits who release the hapless victims that they capture. Someday, for sure, we hope that the names of kidnap chieftains will not make the National Honours List, and become a bad comment on the state of values in our land. 

 

There has been some talk about making our schools safe. A Commander of the National Safe Schools Response Coordination of the National Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) has been quoted as saying that the Federal Government is planning to deploy Civil Defence Officers in the 36 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT) as School Safety Protection Squad. We have been on this School Safety Programme for decades. It is just another monkey business. I don’t believe that we are serious about it. I think that government thinks this is a joke. Our schools don’t even have blackboards. Most of them have no roofs. No fence. The teachers don’t get their salaries when due. In many public schools across the country, there are no desks, no windows. In parts of the North, students sit and receive classes under trees. Once upon a time in Kaduna State, the teachers were made to sit for the same examination with the students. The students passed, most of the teachers failed! That is the kind of ridiculous educational system Nigeria is running. Serious-minded and privileged parents have learnt to send their children abroad and to private schools at home. When President Tinubu begins to reflect, soberly on the occasion of his 72nd birthday, away from the noisome crowd of sycophants and opportunistic aides and family members, let him ponder upon these things and how to help the various afflicted families of Nigeria from the Niger Delta to the North West and elsewhere regain a sense of true citizenship and value…Have a happy birthday sir. Best regards.

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:27

The casualties are not only those who are dead/They are well out of it/The casualties are not only those who are dead/Though they await burial by installment/The casualties are not only those who are lost/Persons or property, hard as it is/To grope for a touch that some/May not know is not there/The casualties are not only those led away by night/The cell is a cruel place, sometimes a haven/Nowhere as absolute as the grave/The casualties are not only those who started/A fire and now cannot put out/Thousands/Are burning that have no say in the matter/The casualties are not only those who are escaping/The shattered shall become prisoners in/A fortress of falling walls/The casualties are many and a good member as well/Outside the scenes of ravage and wreck/They are the emissaries of rift/So smug in smoke-rooms they haunt abroad/They do not see the funeral piles/At home eating up the forests/They are wandering minstrels who, beating on/The drums of the human heart, draw the world/Into a dance with rites it does not know./The drums overwhelm the guns../caught in the clash of counter claims and charges/When not in the niche of others left/We fall/All casualties of the war….” – John Pepper Clark, The Casualties (1970)

 

 

These prefatory lines are taken from J.P. Clark’s “The Casualties” (1970), a most poignant poem written by one of the masters of the genre in Nigerian literature on the civil war of 1967 -70. Clark’s lines are simple and clear enough; relevant as they were in 1970, they remain just as relevant today, 54 years later, as they offer an apt description of the tragedy that occurred in the coastal community of Okuama in Delta State on Thursday, March 14, and the aftermath of that slaughter of 17 (initially reported to be 16) soldiers who were reportedly on a peace mission. The fact that we have to go back to a 1970 poem speaks not simply to the eternity of good literature, but more to the fact that indeed the civil war is yet to end. We remain perpetually in a state of war and we are all as the poet says, “casualties”. Both the men and women in uniform, sworn to defend the integrity, and sovereignty of Nigeria, as well as ordinary civilians are trapped in the vortex of centrifugal forces and fault-lines which again and again, result in tragedy and anarchy. No one is safe.  When a people turn against the same men who have been assigned to protect them, there can be no stronger proof of the failure of the state. The murder of four officers and 13 other ranks in Okuama is as President Bola Tinubu has pointed out, in a personally signed statement, “a direct attack on our nation”, and further, an affront on the very values that make us human. Murder was not enough for the killers, they reportedly went ahead to dismember some of their victims, and harvested their organs in what points to modern-day cannibalism and sheer cruelty. 

 

I am however shocked to no end by the kind of conspiracy theories that have been thrown up by some interested parties with necrophilous prejudices of their own. The most shocking is the suggestion that the men of the 181 Amphibious Battalion asked for their own death because they went to the community without permission from the traditional rulers and elders of Okuama. Or that the soldiers and their commander openly took sides with the Ijaw-Okoloba community in a land dispute with Okuama, hence they were not about to make peace. One spokesperson for Okuama has in fact alleged that the soldiers stormed the community and killed three persons, shot at anything on sight, and that the tragedy that followed was because angry youths of the community decided to fight back. Other persons who claim to know the politics of the area very well also argue that the soldiers in that area of responsibility, to use a military phrase, are corrupt and that the people know this for a fact and that is why the youths do not respect them. Within 72 hours after the murder, there were reports that Okuama had been besieged by unknown soldiers who set the entire community ablaze. These same unknown soldiers are said to be patrolling the creeks. The people of the community have fled towards Ughelli. They have become refugees away from their own land. Okuama is a ghost town. I have again heard some concerned parties arguing that the reprisal is unacceptable, because when soldiers are killed in the North, as in Niger state for example, Nigerian soldiers do not engage in reprisal killings, but if one soldier is killed in the South South, hell breaks loose as was the case in the Ijaw town of Odi, Bayelsa State on November 20, 1999. 

 

I ask: how does any of these theories and arguments justify the cold-blooded murder of soldiers who were on active duty? Such views can only be expressed in a country that is on the brink of failure. The conflict between Okoloba (Ijaw) and Okuama (Urhobo) communities was said to have been caused by a dispute over land. Leo Tolstoy has asked “How much land does a man need?” in a short story of the same title written in 1886. But here in Africa, so much sentimental value is attached to land, not a little blood has been shed over the centuries for it. In Nigeria, conflict over land is at the centre of perennial communal border clashes, indigene/settler acrimony and farmer-herder conflicts turning the entire country from the coast to the savannah into a vast theatre of war. What should bother us is why the military, whose functions are properly defined in Section 217 (2) of the 1999 Constitution and the Armed Forces Act of 1994, would end up settling land disputes between communities! We have complained endlessly that there must be a limit to the use of the Nigerian military for police work. Nigeria has become so insecure, the internal war has gone on for so long, that soldiers now man check-points across the country. It is even not unusual to see soldiers in uniform providing security at weekend, “owambe” parties or serving as bodyguards to the rich. Familiarity breeds contempt. In other countries, soldiers are respected for their service to the nation. I once saw a group of Marines arriving at an airport in the United States. Everyone at the airport lounge stood up and applauded them – a grateful people appreciating those who defend the sovereignty of their country. It is unfortunate that here in Nigeria, we kill our own soldiers. This is strange and unacceptable. The children of those soldiers have now become fatherless, their wives have become widows, their families have lost their loved ones. “All casualties…”

 

Those who argue that there would have been no reprisal if the soldiers had been killed in the North forget that the main issue is the erosion of human values in our country. We share a common humanity but the hardship and bad politics in Nigeria have robbed us of a sense of what it means to be human, hence the spread of violence, criminality and impunity from North to South, East to West. Those who seek to play politics with everything, including murder, are casualties of primordial emotions. They forget that there was a similar reprisal by unknown soldiers in Zaki Biam on October 12, 2001, when soldiers went to avenge the killing of their men in that community. The revenge mission was titled “Operation No Living Thing”. Some people claim that Zaki Biam is not Northern enough, and that is precisely the problem with Nigerians. We are too divisive. Just as the murder of soldiers is wrong and must be condemned, reprisal killing, resort to extra-judicial killing and jungle justice is also condemnable. No one, soldier or civilian, has any right to take the laws into their hands. The fact that jungle justice rules the land is indeed why we are all victims. The people of Odi, whose houses were razed, and their women were raped, and the people of Zaki Biam who were openly executed have not recovered from the horror of that experience. Okuama community in Delta state may never recover from the scorched earth attack inflicted on it. No citizen should be subjected to such agony. 

 

Where is the Delta State government? In a statement issued by Brig-Gen Tukur Gusau, Acting Director of Information, Defence Headquarters, we were told that the matter had been reported to the Delta State Government. Governor Sheriff Oborevwori would later condemn the killings as “despicable” and promise that the state government will take “all necessary measures” to protect lives and property in the state. What could those necessary measures possibly be? The Land Use Act (1979) vests the ownership of land in state Governors as trustees, but in the event of land-related conflicts, state Governors are either totally helpless or even complicit as they surreptitiously try to defend the interests of their own ethnic groups. Conflicts in Delta State over the years have been far beyond the capacity of the Governors. It will be no different with Oborevwori, who himself needs as much help as the people.  If he had any ideas about what to do, the tragedy at Okuama could have been prevented. The conflict must have been brewing over time until it reached a boiling point. 

 

President Tinubu has written as follows: “I extend my profound condolences to the families of these fallen heroes, their colleagues, and their loved ones. The military high command is already responding to this incident. The cowardly offenders responsible for this heinous crime will not go unpunished. The incident, once again, demonstrates the dangers faced by our servicemen and women in line of duty. I salute their heroism, courage and uncommon grit and passion.” He added: “The Defence Headquarters and Chief of Defence Staff have been granted full authority to bring to justice anybody found to have been responsible for this unconscionable crime against the Nigerian people.” Certainly, the President struck the right notes of empathy; signing the statement personally as President, Commander in Chief of the Armed Forces of the Federal Republic of Nigeria is also a good gesture that matches the gravity of the problem. Morale must be very low among the troops - to be killed by an enemy on the battle-field is occupational hazard, but to be slaughtered at home by the same people they have taken an oath to protect and defend is worse. The families of the 17 fallen soldiers deserve every support that they can get, including counselling. We mourn the fallen heroes: Lt. Col. AH Ali, Commanding Officer, 181 Amphibious Battalion, Major SD Shafa, Maj. DE Obi, Capt. U Zakari, SSgt. Yahaya Saidu, Cpl. Yahaya Danbaba, Cpl Kabiru Basir, LCpl. Bulus Haruna, LCpl. Sole Opeyemi, LCpl. Bello Anas, LCpl. Hamman Peter, LCpl. Ibrahim Abdullahi, Pte Alhaji Isah, Pte Clement Francis, Pte Abubakar Ali, Pte Ibrahim Adamu and Pte Adamu Ibrahim. The President has called for “justice”. The investigations and arrests being carried out by the Defence Headquarters must result in a situation whereby the long arm of the law catches up with those who killed the soldiers, those who inflicted jungle justice on the community and destroyed lives and properties, those who caused the conflict between the two communities of Okuama and Okoloba, and any person(s), be they chiefs, youths or ordinary indigenes who may be trying to profit in whatever form from the crisis. 

 

The investigation must also address certain cogent questions: what was the peace mission all about? Who authorized the deployment of troops and under what circumstances?  How did the youths of Okuama get the sophisticated weapons with which they waged war against Nigerian soldiers? Why is it that the soldiers could not defend themselves? How equipped were they, even on a peace mission, military work requires an advance knowledge of the threat situation at a chosen destination or is that not so? And how on earth did soldiers become involved in a land dispute? It would perhaps be advisable to set up an independent panel of inquiry, and for the military to review the scope of the involvement of its personnel in the Niger Delta. The Okuama narrative is at best a developing story, “caught in the clash of counter claims and charges.” In order not to keep ending up as “casualties”, the people of Urhobo Ewu Kingdom and the Ijaws along the Forcados river must learn to live together in peace.  And as for the rest of us, the instructive question is: who really is safe when armed soldiers are killed so easily by irate youths? I guess not even the dead who are also now being kidnapped from cemeteries by graveyard bandits.

Last modified on Monday, 13 May 2024 03:27

 


 

I travelled between the Island and the Mainland in Lagos taking the Third Mainland Bridge. The 11.8 km Bridge had been shut down for repairs since Tuesday, January 9 according to an announcement by the Federal Ministry of Works. We were told that the Bridge would be open for mainland inbound island travels between 12 am to 12 noon, while those travelling from the island to the mainland should go through Eko Bridge, and only use the Third Mainland Bridge from 12 noon. I was very skeptical. 

 

On many occasions in the last eight years, the same Bridge had been shut down for rehabilitation at various occasions, either to fix the ramps or some engineering defects. Lagosians paid the price in terms of time lost to traffic hold ups on the alternative routes, and the hardship of commuting in a city where the island seems to be the centre of gravity. Despite the various delays of the past, the Bridge remained largely a poor stretch of road. The potholes never seemed to disappear. There was even a time this same Bridge was vibrating and you could feel it. The rails had been removed in parts. The managers of the road provided street lights at a point, but those lights didn’t function for up to a month. Based on past experience, I was convinced that the Tinubu administration and the team at the Federal Ministry of Works were back to their old game. But this time around, I was mistaken. My skepticism is misplaced. 

 

Having confirmed that it was now possible to take the same route from 12 noon to the Mainland, the other day, I shrugged off the stress of more than a month and headed towards the Mainland. I saw busy workers on the Mainland-bound side of the Bridge, but in a short while we were diverted to the other side which had been completed to some degree. I became excited. The other side of the Bridge had been thoroughly resurfaced, not the patch-patch work that we used to see oh, a complete make-over, and as we drove towards the Mainland, there was no vibration. No potholes. Even the lanes were properly marked with fresh, clean paint – black and white, and I saw painters giving the entire stretch of the Bridge a decent face lift. I didn’t know when I told the driver: “Wonders! In this same country? You mean this is possible?”

 

We had a very smooth ride all the way to Oworonshoki, where again there was another diversion towards Oshodi. But I had seen enough to justify my excitement. I noticed though that the lights had not been fixed – I hope they would get to that, and that all the broken rails will be restored. We may raise questions about cost later, and the Federal Ministry of Works must be prepared for that, but with what I saw, I believe that when that Bridge is fully rehabilitated, the people of Lagos would have every cause to thank the Tinubu administration for a job well done. Speaking for myself, I do not mind even if that Bridge is shut down for another two months until the make-over is properly done. This time around, the government seems to be doing a good job. You may not understand but those who know the way things are in this country will get the message: travelling on a good road in Nigeria is so unusual it calls for excitement, if not celebration.

 

Commissioned in 1980 by the Shehu Shagari administration and completed for public use by President Ibrahim Babangida in 1990, the Third Mainland Bridge is the longest bridge linking the Mainland to Lagos Island. The two others are Eko and Carter Bridges. Since 2012, the Bridge has been having issues; it is either it vibrates, or there are visible cracks on it, so wide the water below could be seen, it would in due course become a preferred spot for those seeking to commit suicide, which is why I think the side rails need to be raised so high that it should be impossible for anyone to jump into the Lagoon below by climbing over the barricades. In 2020, the Bridge was even closed for repairs for six months, and again in 2021. But for the first time, I see much improvement. 

 

I am tempted to think that this difference can be traced to the fact that the current Minister of Works, Senator David Umahi, former Governor of Ebonyi State is a civil engineer. This is precisely what we mean when we say that President Tinubu and governments at all levels must learn to put round pegs in round holes.  If you appoint an accountant to supervise a construction project, he is not likely to know what it entails to build a road. He would be looking at figures and fail to see the road. Senator David Umahi, as a former CEO of an Engineering Company knows all the details about construction from design to finish. No contractor or official would go to him and give him a fake Bill of Quantities or try any trick – the same tricks that he himself must have applied as a young Engineer. We have seen the evidence in what he is doing with the make-over of the Third Mainland Bridge. President Tinubu should give him other assignments: give him more roads to fix – the Ibadan-Ife-road for example, and the road to Benin. Based on what I saw, I am inclined to say that Senator Umahi is doing well.

 

He has the potential to become one of the promising Ministers in Tinubu’s cabinet, but he must stay away from making political statements. The other day, he put his mouth into the labour crisis and accused labour leaders of being unpatriotic. I think he should concentrate on his PWD, wheel-barrow assignment and avoid moralizing about subjects he does not understand. He will get some response from the Nigeria Labour Congress (NLC) when the deadline that the body gave the Federal Government expires, this week, by the way, tomorrow, March 13.

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