The news of the appointment of the Nigeria billionaire banker, Jim Ovia as the chairman of the Board of the Nigerian Education Loan Fund (NELFUND) has elicited reactions from many Nigerians. Concerned observers have tried to proffer explanations about the motive behind what is considered by many as bizarre appointment. The Jim Ovia that everybody knows will not touch government appointment with a long pole. The foremost Nigerian banker and corporate icon does not lobby nor need government appointment. It is therefore strange to many that he could condescend to accepting an appointment under Tinubu having rejected such offers in the past. The main questions on the lips of the concerned observers include: why would he want to make a volte-face this time? Why would he want to smear his impeccable reputation by associating with a regime battling with credibility issues?

Mr. Jim Ovia, a banker, a business mogul and an investor is the founder and chairman of Zenith International Bank, one of the key players in the Nigerian financial sector. He has a reputation for promoting excellence and meritocracy. A stickler for rules; he believes strongly in the values of honesty and integrity. Those close to him say that he has the personality type that is averse to adverse publicity and scandal and would do anything to avoid them. Thus, it might sound odd for him to consort with politicians, save for business purposes, let alone accepting a political appointment. It is said that Jim may not punish his employees for not making profit but must punished anyone involved in fraud or anything that will tarnish the reputation of the bank. He abhors anything that has to do with scandal including litigation. As much as possible, he avoids litigation. It is believed that one of the reasons he invested heavily in technology and people is to ensure quality customer service to reduce reputational risk. And it is on record that the Jim Ovia’s Zenith bank has the least cases of litigation and fraud among the banks in Nigeria.

It is not exactly clear why Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu has to pick on Jim Ovia. According to the official statement, the chairman of Zenith Bank was appointed NELFUND board chairman ostensibly for him “to bring his immense wealth of experience and professional stature to this role.” But the question is: does one require the skill of a banker to manage the said student loan funds? Is NELFUND a financial institution? Does the role of NELFUND involve financial intermediation? Of course the management of the student loan board may not involve investment analysis or risk assessment analysis.

The job is purely administrative and procedural. A retired school bursar or school teacher with even a background in History or Religious Studies can manage the said funds without stress. People as making conjectures about this, more so, as Tinubu is not known for appointing people based on merit or competence. His major consideration for appointment is loyalty rather than performance. Clearly, if Tinubu is interested in results, he would have given Mr. Ovia the Central Bank or the Finance Ministry, where his competence will be better deployed, rather than student loan board, to manage.

Expectedly, many have wondered why the banking guru has to identify with the Tinubu’s government. Are his multi-billion investments in Lagos under threat? Is he using the appointment as a means to secure the release of his protégé, Emefiele, the erstwhile Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) governor who is currently being hounded by Tinubu’s government for implementing a cash swap policy prior to the February, 2023 general elections; a policy interpreted by Tinubu and his group as an attempt to frustrate his presidential ambition? Or is he using the appointment as a way to dissociate himself from the alleged offenses committed by Emefiele when he held sway as the CBN governor? Whatever the reason, I sincerely hope that Jim Ovia is not being blackmailed or arm-twisted into accepting appointment from Tinubu against his will.

Without doubt, the presence of Jim Ovia among Tinubu’s men would be a big image boost for a government that is encumbered with a heavy legitimacy and credibility burden. Indeed, the government propagandists would brag about it, and as usual, drop Jim Ovia’s name among those allegedly made by Tinubu. To them, anyone who has government appointment is made by the one that appointed him. This is because they erroneously think that government appointment is not about service but an opportunity for self-enrichment. Tinubu is a maker of men but ironically, the state that he claimed he built has the worst number of area-boys and street urchins in the southern part of the country. He could not train or rehabilitate the horde of Lagos area-boys and yet he is a maker and developer of men. Lagos has more destitute and out school children and it is still educationally disadvantaged despite the huge revenue inflow. How many schools did he build while he “reigned” in Lagos? How many skill acquisition centers did he establish in his Lagos? Lagos State has one of the worst literacy cases in the whole of Southern Nigeria? So who did he make?

I am one of the many Nigerians that are skeptical about the Tinubu’s proposed student loan scheme. To me, the program is a misplaced priority and a white elephant. Nigeria needs investments in education but not in populist white elephants. In the colonial era and in the immediate post independent era, when Nigeria had acute man power shortages, such program would be effective and necessary and not now that Nigeria has surfeit of university graduates roaming the streets looking for non-existent jobs. Nigeria needs investment in the educational sector but not in the bogus loan scheme program. The investment we need in education should be in the area of technology, human development and provision of environment suitable for learning in addition to result-oriented curriculum development.

Nigeria operates outmoded, wishy-washy curriculum that tends to produce helpless, dependent jobseekers. Nigeria needs the curriculum that will produce entrepreneurs; that help learners develop critical thinking and problem-solving skills. Investment in mass education should be at the primary and high school level in order to reduce the number of out of school children and should be targeted mainly at the alimajiris and the area-boys of the North and Southwest respectively. But the APC government would not invest in this area for obvious reason. It would mean educating, liberating and depleting their army of political tools needed for election rigging. The previous investments in this area by the Babangida regime through the nomadic education scheme and Jonathan Administration through the Alimajiri School program were frustrated by the forces opposed to liberating these street urchins from bondage.

Secondly, the student loan scheme may be seen as a vehicle for the political “settlement” and might be hijacked by politicians to siphon public funds by granting loans to their cronies, stooges and ghost students. That is why many believed that the program may turn out to be a camouflaged conduit pipe for public funds and may never get to the indigent students and those that it is intended. Tinubu’s propagandists may defend the appointment of Jim Ovia by claiming that it is the importance the president attached to the program that informed his decision to engage the person of his caliber to manage the funds. But it left to be seen if that is the case.

Certainly, the Nigerian students do not need the spurious loan scheme that might not be accessible after all. What they need is quality education. They need the right technologies, the facilities and the conducive environment that will promote learning; that will make them graduate when they should, not a compromised system that will make them spend five or more years for a four-year course. The Nigeria youth need an effective man power development program that will support and equip them with the relevant skills for the future not area-boy policies that will mortgage their future. They require a robust economy that will empower their parents and sponsors to fund their programs. They don’t forbid a healthy economy that will promote work-study program as it is done in other countries. What they don’t need is Tinubu’s prebendal economy where some live on hand-outs and freebies in the name of palliatives. Nobody wants Tinubu’s poverty and hunger expansion program that has subjected the citizens to a life of misery.

It is therefore worrisome that the great Jim Ovia would accept an appointment into an agency that is susceptible to becoming a cesspool of corruption. And it is doubtful if he would come out of it without smearing his hard earned reputation except he resigns promptly.

You are a very senior professor. Your monthly salary is N700,000, pre-tax. This past weekend, you and other petrol users bought a litre for N1,000. Your car uses 10 litres of petrol per working day. There are five working days in a week. That gives your car 50 litres of petrol per week, the cost is N50,000. There are four weeks in a month. Fifty thousand naira in four places makes it N200,000 – just to fuel your car. Because your residence is allocated Band E by NEPA, your ‘I-better-pass-my-neighbour’ generator will use 10 litres of petrol per day. In 30 days, that gives you 300 litres of fuel. At N1,000 per litre, the cost is N300,000. Do the maths. Petrol alone takes N500,000 from your pre-tax N700,000 salary. Tax takes about N120,000. Do the maths again. What is the way out? The Yoruba will join you to ask: Kí ni ònà àbáyo? Kí ni?”

A young taxi driver sat on the bonnet of his car some years ago thoroughly frustrated by Nigeria’s unending petrol mess. A television reporter asked him to speak on his experience in that filling station where he sat, stranded. He looked straight into the camera and said he wanted “the world to come to an end, this moment. I want all of us to die – all.” He thought Nigeria was a wilderness with a succession of fake Moses leading the country from Egypt to Egypt. To the taxi driver, mass death of victims and their victimisers would be the neat, equitable way to end all suffering. I watched the video and heard more than what the gentleman said. People who think and say what he said are persons who have run and got to the end of running. They are people who have shifted and shifted and have hit the wall.

Over the course of life, suffering, one way or the other, is inevitable. We do not need a priest to convince us of that. But, why is it that here, in this country, time and change give no relief to the poor?

As I write this, everyone is at the petrol station – exactly as they were 30 years ago when they thought democracy was the messiah that would dry their tears. In petrol stations where there are no queues, the price there is killing; where the price smiles a little, bedlam reigns. If matters remain as they are, driving a car anywhere in Nigeria will soon be a mark of the beast, the ultimate evil. Very soon (and I am so scared to say this), having money to buy petrol will be an exposure to marks of the dragon – the kind that is in the Christian Bible: ten horns, seven heads, “with ten crowns on his horns, and on each head a blasphemous name.” Why is this democracy this ugly and so unprofitable to the people?

There is a joke about a man from Israel who demanded to know why Moses promised his ancestors good life, took them out to wander in the wilderness for forty years only to deposit them in a land that has no oil. I won’t be shocked to hear this said about our democracy. What is the worth of that struggle and that vote that birthed this suffering?

Our dog boasted in the last election that there was no danger in Tiger’s forest. That boast appears to have killed it. A saying in Yoruba approximates this: Ajá kì í dán’nu kò séwu lóko ẹkùn. Stealthy, strong Tiger is an ambush, apex predator; dog is one of its preys. The wisdom here eluded many who refused to trust the truth. They are now left behind, stranded by their faith in man born of woman. In their bowl of gaari, they now have water in destructive excess.

You are a very senior professor. Your monthly salary is N700,000, pre-tax. This past weekend, you and other petrol users bought a litre for N1,000. Your car uses 10 litres of petrol per working day. There are five working days in a week. That gives your car 50 litres of petrol per week, the cost is N50,000. There are four weeks in a month. Fifty thousand naira in four places makes it N200,000 – just to fuel your car. Because your residence is allocated Band E by NEPA, your ‘I-better-pass-my-neighbour’ generator will use 10 litres of petrol per day. In 30 days, that gives you 300 litres of fuel. At N1,000 per litre, the cost is N300,000. Do the maths. Petrol alone takes N500,000 from your pre-tax N700,000 salary. Tax takes about N120,000. Do the maths again. What is the way out? The Yoruba will join you to ask: Kí ni ònà àbáyo? Kí ni?

With ‘Darkness Falls’ as its title, the second part of Ngugi Wa Thiongo’s Weep Not, Child is about a country in distress, about a village where light is morbid and darkness is saviour. It is about a home that is no longer a place for telling good stories. It is here that we are asked to “turn to the Gospel according to St Matthew, Chapter 24.” Here we are told that we “shall hear of wars and rumours of wars” and that “nation shall rise against nation, and kingdom against kingdom: and there shall be famines, and pestilences, and earthquakes, in diverse places.” We are told that as horrible as these occurrences are, “they are (just) the beginning of sorrows…And because iniquity shall abound, the love of many shall wax cold.”

Could this moment be Nigeria’s hour of that prophecy? The havoc wreaked in town today is worse than the experience of the ill-starred, anecdotal sentry of Apomu whose oracle (ifa) got stolen and his wife snatched. He reached for his divining chain (òpẹ̀lẹ̀) and saw it in the mouth of an audacious dog. He pursued the dog to retrieve his last hope but the dog ran and jumped into a deep well. While panting, the distraught man was asked what next? “It is time to leave this town,” was his response – (Ìlọ yá Oníbodè Àpòmù, wón kó o ní’fá, wón gbà á l’óbìnrin, òpẹ̀lẹ̀ tí yíò tún fi tọ ẹsẹ̀ e rè, ajá tún gbé e lọ. Ó lé ajá, ajá kó sí kànga. Wón ní, ‘Ilọ yá àbí kò yá?’ Ó ní, ìlọ yáá…).” Today is worse than that hopeless situation. I have never been as afraid for Nigeria as I have been in the last one week.

The people are hopeless and helpless but they are quiet. And that is dangerous. There is a passage in Chinua Achebe’s Things Fall Apart which warns about silence and its potent danger: “Mother Kite once sent her daughter to bring food. She went and brought back a duckling. ‘You have done very well,’ said Mother Kite to her daughter, ‘but tell me, what did the mother of this duckling say when you swooped and carried its child away?’ ‘It said nothing,’ replied the young kite. ‘It just walked away.’ ‘You must return the duckling,’ said Mother Kite. ‘There is something ominous behind the silence.’ And so Daughter Kite returned the duckling and took a chick instead. ‘What did the mother of this chick do?’ asked the old kite. ‘It cried and raved and cursed me,’ said the young kite. ‘Then we can eat the chick,’ said her mother. ‘There is nothing to fear from someone who shouts.’ Nigeria’s streets are scanty and sad; neighbourhoods are dank and dark. Where the ice of fuel scarcity appears to be thawing, the price has remained prohibitively high. In food markets, traders’ looks are forlorn; buyers’ heartbeats are irregular. There is darkness in every home where light used to shine. Yet, there is quiet, silence, midnight, graveyard chill where prophets used to warn.

In Matt Lorenz’s ‘The Meaning of life in the Wilderness’, we are told that “the wilderness is a space where human beings can go morally astray.” True, many and more have gone astray here. Henry Bugbee, in his The Inward Morning, says that “our true home is (the) wilderness.” I read this and wanted to disagree. I wanted to ask how our home could be the wildness -uncultivated, uninhabited, inhospitable wild. But, then, I remember William Butler Yeats’s thoughtful line: “…the world is more full of weeping than you can understand.”

As long as we breathe, we keep hoping (and praying) for deliverance from evil. There is a line of divine promise in Ngugi’s ‘Darkness Falls’: “But he that shall endure unto the end, the same shall be saved…” He was quoting the Bible.

We will endure this to the end because we’ve been promised salvation. But, when is the end and where is the saviour? Or, when is the saviour coming? The government is quiet and silent. It acts the perfect I-don’t-care way of lords who have climbed the hills and have seen the very end of the world. But its defenders are not quiet. They blame the past and point at similar acts of official betrayal. What is in uniformity is no longer a shame. There is no new thing under the sun. They open history books of countries outside Africa, the first world. They say “even America once suffered what we suffer. We will be out of the problem one day.” They say the media of that and other countries still reminisce about their own era of anomie. One of such reflections is Reis Thebault’s “Long lines, high prices and fisticuffs”, a Washington Post’s 2023 video on the 1970s petrol shortage bedlam in America. “The line of cars stretches for blocks. Pumps run dry. Newspapers warn of a great ‘gas crunch.’ President urges calm. Panicked motorists turn on one another.” Thebault wrote, mimicking headlines from Nigeria’s future. If the abobaku of this regime come to see this Washington Post content, they will grab it with eureka; they will use it as a justification for the criminal betrayal that professed this suffering. What a country!

The elephant’s hunger is the shame of the forest. America would have remained where it was in 1970 if what it had were bumbling leaders like ours. To the US, the owner would rather starve than for the thief to be without food. We have that proverb, the United States appropriated it long ago to solve its “pumps run dry” problem. I always wonder why the elephant of oil-rich Nigeria keeps rumbling in the forest and goes to bed hungry. Imagine the Eskimo queueing for ice. But here, children of butchers fight over bones.

What really is the cause of this fuel scarcity? There is neither cohesion nor coherence in the little we’ve heard from persons who sit atop our welfare. All we’ve seen (and we are seeing) are quick-and-slow marches of crass confusion. What are they doing apart from fixing themselves up in vaults? The sheep of Nigerians won’t forget if they do well and provide it just bran. But they are behaving like àgbà òsìkà sowing suffering in people’s lives. They soil their breast pockets with red oil of impunity and keep a straight face. Is it true that this is all about jacking up the price of petrol as instructed by the holders of the Nigerian yam and knife? It is like land grabbers setting fire to a whole market because they covet the land. They are killing us without drawing a sword (apanimáyodà). But, they can eat their excess without scorching the city. Unfortunately, that is what they are doing with their take-it-or-leave it disposition to the petrol wickedness they put on the table. It is dangerous.

I borrow again from Yeats. In his ‘The Wind Among the Reeds’, the poet tells the powerful that he, “being poor” has only his dreams to nurture and keep. Then he begs them: “I have spread my dreams under your feet;/ Tread softly because you tread on my dreams.” The people are the eye of the earth. If this government must tread on them, it should do so gently.

Governor Nasir Idris of Kebbi State has raised the alarm that some influential figures within the state are allegedly working to undermine his administration’s objectives.

Speaking at the Uhola Festival and Agricultural Show in Zuru, Kebbi State, at the weekend, Governor Idris expressed his determination not to be swayed by their efforts.

The governor revealed how certain individuals from the state had reportedly intervened at the Federal Ministry of Works in Abuja to alter the road development plans he had previously submitted.

“It might interest you to know that someone went and changed the submission we already made on the Koko Dabai Road with that of Bui-Kangiwa-Kamba Road up to the border with Niger Republic at the Ministry of Works in Abuja.

“Whereas the KoKo-Dabai Road needs more urgent attention than the Bui-Kamba Road which is still motorable.

“I feel sad whenever I come to Zuru because all the three roads linking the town to other places are in bad shape,” he said.

The governor said he would gather prominent personalities from the Zuru Emirate including traditional rulers to meet President Bola Ahmed Tinubu in Abuja for a rapid solution to the disturbing issue.

Idris affirmed the commitment of his administration to support and finance the annual Uhola Festival, recognising its significance in promoting culture for economic growth and social cohesion.

[DailyTrust]

Abia State Governor, Alex Otti, has told the immediate past administration in the state, headed by Okezie Ikpeazu, to get ready to return looted funds, including money budgeted for the airport project.

Otti, who was reacting to the report of the forensic audit of the state’s accounts, said his administration is not fighting anybody but is only interested in recovering looted funds, in a bid to ensure good governance.

The governor spoke at Nvosi, during a solidarity visit by supporters and loyalists of the member representing Isiala Ngwa South State Constituency, Rowland Chinwendu.

He stressed that what he wants is the progress and development of Abia State, emphasizing that since the airport was not executed, the project money should be refunded.

Otti expressed dismay that some people are insulting him in the media because he disclosed the findings of the forensic audit report.

The governor described the solidarity visit by Chinwendu and his supporters as a good omen.

“I established a forensic audit of our accounts as soon as I was sworn in and the report turns out that a lot of money was looted, stolen brazenly and part of the ones I mentioned was the N10 billion Abia Airport Project.

“They started insulting me. If you follow what is happening in the media, you would know that what I said is true.

“We are looking for our money. If we are not able to find the airport, they would have to refund us our money.

“We are not pursuing anybody, they should refund the money they stole, let’s use it to work for our people.

“Our place must develop. We will continue to build roads, we will continue to clean up the environment, we will continue to create jobs.”

In his speech, the member representing Isiala Ngwa South State Constituency, Chinwendu, noted that his people sent him to the House to represent their interest.

He stressed that he cannot afford to be seen as opposition to the governor, who is from the same LGA.

The lawmaker thanked the governor for the ongoing reconstruction of Umuikaa-Umuene road, among other projects in his constituency.

[DailyPost]

The United Kingdom (UK) on Sunday said only international students coming in for their Doctor of Philosophy (PhD) studies are eligible to bring in dependents to the country.

Dr. Richard Montgomery, the British High Commissioner to Nigeria made this known in an interview with newsmen in Abuja.

He said that the educational system policy changed earlier this year for international students in higher education not to bring dependents into the UK was to curb the increase of foreign students bringing in dependents.

He explained that the huge surge in dependence was putting an unsustainable pressure on many universities, adding that it was the reason these changes were introduced.

Here are eight countries Nigerian Masters students can move to with their dependants

1. Canada

Canada aims to welcome over 460,000 new immigrants each year to strengthen the economy, reunite families, and help refugees.

Under its immigration levels plan, Canada is now looking to get 465,000 new permanent residents in 2023, 485,000 in 2024 and 500,000 in 2025

The country’s dependent visa allows international students to bring their dependents and also allows them to work or study full-time once they have the relevant permits.

2. Germany

Germany’s dependent visa also known as a family reunion visa permits the spouse, children, and other family members to join and live with their family members residing in Germany. They can either reside temporarily or permanently in the country.

3. New Zealand

New Zealand also has a dependent child student visa that allows a dependent child to join their parents in the country and study at a primary or secondary school. “A dependent child can be treated as a domestic student, which means you don’t have to pay tuition fees for them to go to school.”

To apply for a Dependent Child Resident visa, your children must be single and financially dependent on you. Your children must sign a declaration they are single when they complete their application form. Immigration New Zealand considers your children dependent if they are: 17 or younger.

4. Australia

An Australia-dependent visa allows dependent family members of Australian citizens, Australian permanent residents, or eligible New Zealand citizens to live and work in Australia. This includes spouses, children, and other eligible family members.

5. Denmark

If an international student wants to bring their family to Denmark, they must apply for a green card Dependent visa. It allows Danish green card holder to bring their family with them to the nation while they are living and working there.

Denmark has several categories of dependent visas. Of these dependent visas, the Student Dependent Visa is designed for the spouse or unmarried children below 18 years of age of foreigners schooling in the country with a Denmark student visa to join their relatives in Denmark.

6. Finland

In September 2022, Finland issued more residence permits compared to the previous year as its processing time for visa application was 77 days on average, about 46 per cent less compared to 143 days in the previous period, the Finnish Immigration Service revealed.

The D visa allows you to travel to Finland immediately after being issued with a residence permit.

You can apply for a D visa if your spouse or your parent or guardian is applying for one of the following residence permits: A residence permit for a specialist. EU Blue Card.

7. Estonia

While staying in Estonia with a student visa, your family members can apply for an Estonia family visa to join you.

If they are issued a family visa, they can stay with you in Estonia for one year.

8. Sweden

Sweden is a Scandinavian nation in northern Europe with thousands of coastal islands and inland lakes, along with vast boreal forests and glaciated mountains.

The country which is highly developed, is ranked seventh in the Human Development Index, according to United Nations Development.

It has different types of permits that allow people to bring their dependents. The type of permit that should be applied for will vary depending on the situation of the person who is living in the country.

[TheNation]

In Nigeria, societal norms often cast a shadow on unconventional love stories, particularly when the woman is older than the man.

Despite the unspoken disapproval and subtle judgments, some couples boldly defy these expectations, challenging age-old traditions and embracing love in its purest form.

As the world turns its gaze towards the glitz and glamour of celebrity marriages, a poignant question emerges from the shadows: Does age truly dictate the success or failure of a union, or is it merely a trivial number in the grand scheme of love?

Over the weekend, the internet crackled with fervour as the spotlight shone on a captivating saga involving the esteemed Cole family of Victoria Island, Lagos. 

At the centre of the whirlwind was Taiwo Cole, scion of the illustrious clan, whose recent nuptials to actress and comedian Wofai Ewa, fondly known as Wofai Fada, ignited a firestorm of chatter.

The picturesque setting of Ugep, Cross River State, served as the backdrop for their traditional union, an event that remained clandestine until then, hidden from the public eye.

The Cole family, in a Sunday statement, denounced the marriage.

Responding, Wofai Fada, had on the same day posted a video with the caption “Let love lead” on her 1.2 million followers’ Instagram page amidst controversies surrounding her marriage to Taiwo Cole.

Again on Monday, the actress declared that the union between her and her groom, Taiwo Cole shall be permanent.

In the Nigerian entertainment landscape, where the glitz of fame intertwines with the pressures of societal norms, PUNCH Online shines a spotlight on five remarkable personalities who defy age disparities in their unions.

Here are five popular Nigerian celebrities who married older women:

1. Peter and Lola Okoye:

Lola Okoye, who celebrated her 50th birthday on Friday, September 2, is the beloved wife of Peter Okoye, renowned as one half of the iconic musical duo, P Square.

Despite the nine-year age gap between them—Peter and his twin brother Paul were born on November 18, 1981, while Lola’s birthday falls on September 2, 1972—their love story blossomed over seven years before they exchanged vows in 2013.

Blessed with a son named Cameron and a daughter named Aliona, the Okoyes cherish their journey as a family.

Lola in 2021 noted her happiness about how the now-defunct music group, P-square, put their differences aside after a long musical fallout. https://punchng.com/im-happy-p-square-put-their-differences-aside-says-mr-ps-wife-lola/

2. Deola And Darey Art Alade:

Renowned R&B sensation Darey Art Alade found his forever partner in Deola, a dynamic serial entrepreneur when they tied the knot in February 2007.

Celebrating over 14 years of marriage, they have embraced their eight-year age difference with grace and contentment.

Darey once remarked, “No pressures at all! Everybody at some time finds what works for him or her.”

With two delightful children, Darey and Deola exemplify how love transcends age, demonstrating that happiness knows no bounds.

3. Mike Edwards and Perri Shakes-Drayton:

The love story of Big Brother Naija Pepper Dem runner-up, Mike Edwards, and British Olympian Perri is a tale of athletic prowess and enduring affection.

Married in 2019, they navigate life’s milestones with synchronicity, despite Perri being two years older than Mike.

Welcoming their son into the world, their bond is a testament to the depth of their connection and shared aspirations.

4. MC Fish and Anita Joseph:

Nigerian comedian MC Fish and Nollywood actress Anita Joseph share a love story that transcends age barriers.

Despite their eight-year age difference, the couple’s bond radiates joy and affection, evident in their expressive displays on social media.

While they haven’t welcomed a child together, Anita Joseph’s daughter from a previous relationship enriches their familial journey, emphasizing the beauty of blended families.

5. Joseph Ameh and Kaffy:

Renowned dancer, choreographer, and fitness coach Kaffy, known for her Guinness World Record achievement, embarked on a journey of love with Joseph Ameh, P Square’s drummer, in 2012.

Despite their eight-year age gap—Kaffy being the elder—life took an unexpected turn when Kaffy filed for divorce in January 2022, marking the end of their marital union.

Unconfirmed reports indicated that extramarital affairs allegations against Ameh played a vital part in the breakup.

Meanwhile, opinions on whether age is merely a number when it comes to marriage are as diverse as the individuals themselves.

In a PUNCH Online vox populi, a myriad of perspectives emerged, showcasing the wide spectrum of beliefs on the matter.

Some ardently advocate for the notion that age holds little significance, asserting that love knows no bounds and that compatibility transcends numerical differences.

Conversely, others contend that age disparity can pose challenges, emphasizing the importance of shared life experiences and developmental stages in a successful partnership.

Amidst these contrasting viewpoints, one thing remains clear: the concept of age in relation to marriage is a deeply personal and nuanced topic, reflecting the unique values and priorities of each individual.

[Punch]

THIS year’s May Day was an opportunity for Nigerian labour centres to examine how workers are faring under the laws and their general well-being in a stifling socio-economic society. It was an occasion which revealed that even their quest for justice, in a supposed arbitration system, can be quite problematic.

Justice Benedict Bakwaph Kanyip, President of the National Industrial Court, NIC, presented the first paper on ‘Labour Laws and Trade Unions in Nigeria’, while the second presentation on ‘People First In National Affairs’ was by Mr Femi Falana, a Senior Advocate of Nigeria, SAN.

The former began by trying to convince the audience that the NIC is neutral, even- handed and reliable which showed that after all, “Lady Justicia’ is blind”.

Mr Falana did not appear to agree. He pointed at the connivance between the NIC and government against labour. He said: “In recent times, whenever workers decide to embark on industrial action as a last resort, the Federal Government and state governments usually rush to the National Industrial Court to apply for an interim order of injunction. Instead of asking the government to put the trade unions involved on notice, the Court will grant the order to stop the planned strike.”

So, the issue whether the NIC  or, indeed, the courts are neutral, especially where government is involved, became one of the major issues that arose at the Pre-May Day Lecture.

It is difficult for the poor to get justice, not just because the laws are made by the rich in the interest of the rich, or that the judge is necessarily pro-status quo. The fact is that the poor man, struggling to feed himself and his family, does not have the funds to hire a lawyer or engage in lengthy litigation. So, as we say in Nigeria, he leaves ‘everything to God’.

This scenario is worse in the case of a worker who may take his rich employer to court. It, therefore, serves the ends of justice for the establishment of a special industrial court that would speedily and conscientiously arbitrate between the employee and employer without being bogged down by technicalities. In other words, the industrial arbitration court should be more interested in the justice of a case than its technicalities. Such a court should not be so much interested in lawyers citing old cases. So, the procedures of the industrial court, unlike those of normal courts should be flexible, requiring knowledge of industrial relations and not necessarily the technicalities of the law. It should be such that the worker would not need a lawyer to present his case. It should be like the Biblical King Solomon’s court where litigants personally presented their cases and the judge dispensed justice.

This intent to promote industrial harmony and social justice was the reason for the establishment of the NIC as a tripartite court. To ensure this, the tripod of the industrial relations system: government, employers and workers, had institutional representation in the court. So, the NIC and its judgements benefited from the invaluable experiences of these institutional representatives. Another major advantage in the NIC’s composition was its guaranteed independence as the judges were independent of government and did not owe their career progression to anybody in government. As a reporter covering the NIC, one of the best judges I knew was Mr Bernard Obua, then Deputy General Secretary of the Nigeria Labour Congress, NLC, who was not a lawyer. Indeed, I covered cases where trade unionists without legal background, represented their unions and won cases, sometimes against established lawyers representing multinational corporations. These gave the Industrial Arbitration Panel, IAP, and the appellate NIC, lots of prestige.

All these changed when lawyers and government collaborators staged coups and pushed the institutional representatives of the employers and workers out of the NIC, leaving only appointees of the government. Secondly, membership of the NIC became restricted to only lawyers. Hitherto, a graduate of a recognised university, including lawyers, with a minimum ten-year post- qualification experience could be NIC judges. The additional proviso was that such a person must have considerable knowledge and experience in the law and practice of industrial relations and employment conditions in Nigeria.

The transformation of the NIC into a regular court, also changed its thought process. It was therefore no surprise that Justice Kanyip propagated views that can be termed anti-worker. For instance, he claimed that workers have no right to go on strike. When I pointed out that this may amount to forced labour because a human being has the right to work or refuse to work, he claimed he was presenting the position of the International Labour Organisation, ILO. I googled the ILO official website and it stated that: “The right to strike is recognised by the ILO’s supervisory bodies as an intrinsic corollary of the right to organise protected by Convention No. 87.” It went on to state that: “As early as 1927, the ILO explicitly recognised that the right to strike existed…a recognition which was not challenged by employers for more than 60 years.”

Further more, the Nigeria courts have made various declarations on this. For instance, in Union Bank of Nigeria, Plc V. V. MRS. EDET (1993) the courts held that: “It appears that whenever an employer ignores or breaches a term of that Agreement, resort could only be had, if at all, to negotiation between the Union and the employer, and ultimately, to a strike action should the need arise and it be appropriate.”

Justice Kanyip also flew another kite: that a strike action is an individual, not a collective right. By this he argued that a worker can opt out of a strike. On this, I also challenged him on the basis that a trade union is about the unity of the collective and its supremacy over the individual. So, if a union ballots its members and 90 per cent decide the union should go on strike, it is only democratic that this decision is upheld irrespective of the feeling of a single individual.

There was also another contentious issue. The judge held that irrespective of Section 5(4)of the Trade Union Act which states that no new union should be registered where one already exists, any new union that applies should be registered. In a sense, he is backed by the ILO position on plurarity, but this defeats Nigeria’s 1977 decision to stop the endless proliferation of unions by registering unions at industrial, not company level. Given this, government can destroy unions in the long run by simply registering multiple trade unions in every sector or even company. If the NIC is now a duplication of the Appeal Court, why not scrap it?

The Federal Government has approved a downward review in electricity tariff for Band A customers to N206.80/kwh, from N225/kwh.

Ban A customers are electricity consumers with a minimum supply of 20 hours daily.

In a notice to its customers on Monday, Ikeja Electric, stated: “Please, be informed of the downward tariff review of our Band A feeders from N225/kwh to N206.80/kwh effective 6th May 2024 with guaranteed availability of 20-24 hours supply daily.

“The tariff for Bands B, C, D, and E remains unchanged.”

Details on this coming.

Band A

recall that the Nigerian Electricity Regulatory Commission, NERC, had increased the tariff paid by Band A customers from N68/KWh to N225/kWh.

Band A customers are expected to receive between 20 and 24 hours of electricity supply daily. Those under B enjoy 16 to 20 hours of power supply and those in Band C receive 12 to 16 hours daily.

NERC also said that Band A customers make up just 15 percent of total electricity customers in the country.

Additionally, these customers would no longer enjoy government subsidy on electricity.

However, the review of electricity tariff generated reactions across the country.

For instance, human rights lawyer, Femi Falana (SAN), said the Federal Government was working in the interest of the International Monetary Fund, IMF, and the World Bank in hiking electricity tariff. 

He said: “The Honourable Minister of Power is acting the script of the IMF and the World Bank.”

Also, the Nigerian Bar Association, NBA, Ikeja branch, gave the Federal Government and electricity distribution companies, DisCos, a seven-day ultimatum to reverse to the old electricity tariff or face a lawsuit.

Speaking, chairman of the branch, Mr Seyi Olawunmi, described the increase in the electricity tariff by almost 300 per cent as unreasonable and insensitive.

He said NERC order in respect to the tariff hike was not in line with the current economic realities of an average Nigerian.

Labour’s reaction to tariff

Also recall that the Nigerian Labour Congress, NLC, and the Trade Union Congress, TUC, appealed to NERC, and power sector operators, to reverse the increase in electricity tariff within one week.

President of the unions, Mr Joe Ajaero and Mr Fetus Osifo, respectively, made the call last Wednesday in a joint speech to mark the 2024 Workers’ Day in Abuja.

They expressed dissatisfaction over the epileptic power situation in the country. The labour leaders said it was affecting the economic growth of the country.

According to them, it is imperative that any nation incapable of effectively and efficiently managing its energy resources faces certain ruin.

In their words: “One of the pivotal factors constraining our nation is our glaring incompetence in managing this sector for the collective welfare of our citizens.

“Power, regardless of its source, remains paramount in kickstarting any economy, while oil and gas are indispensable for robust energy success in every country. “

They said it was absolutely critical for the government to collaborate with the people to establish frameworks that ensure energy works for all Nigerian.

According to the duo, the plight of the power sector remains unchanged over a decade after privatisation of the sector.

Vanguard News

 

The issue of minimum wage or salary increase or by whatever nomenclature is a complicated policy issue. The wage increase is neither good nor bad, but as a policy choice, it must be tied to some ultimate objective and benchmarked on the projected cost of living and inflationary trends over a given period.

A pay rise can improve employees’ motivation while giving them more purchasing power and disposable income. It may result in businesses being shut down, hyperinflation, joblessness, and a decline in the value of the national currency. At face value, salary increases are a tool to address inequality, poverty, and welfare or an incentive to check corruption. However, the issue is more profound than this surface-level discourse.

Recently, the federal government announced a new salary raise for mainstream federal workers. This is not the new minimum wage; at least, that is what we are told. Some state governments followed suit with discordant tunes. The truth is that for the average Nigerian worker, with headline inflation at 33.2% by March 2024 and food inflation at 40.1%, the current wage is insufficient and cannot sustain any worker. This underscores the need for the government and all labour employers in Nigeria to review salaries. However, the government’s current economic realities and financial position make it challenging to create a salary increase that is not backed by increased value and productivity. While it may seem complicated, this measured approach is necessary to avoid harsh negative implications on the economy and the unintended backlash on people with low incomes and many on the fringes of our society.

Expectedly a policy to help people experiencing poverty and create some semblance of equity within our socio-economic ecosystem, salary increases for government workers, albeit less than 25% of the workforce, will have ramifications. Given these difficulties evident in the new policy, the government and labour leadership must play a balancing act to midwife a new salary structure that is fit for purpose yet germane to the multifaceted nuances of our current economic reality.

The wage increase will result in both negative and positive economic impacts. On the negative side, inflation will worsen, small and medium-scale businesses (SMEs) barely managing to survive will be hugely impacted, and the cost of doing business will skyrocket. How many SMEs can afford this increase? Most of the companies are struggling with paying the existing minimum wage, given the rise in the cost of doing business, interest in loans is over 40%, the cost of raw materials is over the roof, consumers with little income are squeezed to a pulp by the constant increase in prices. Besides, how many state governments can afford it? Most Nigerian states have failed to optimise their potential and go cap in hand every month to FAAC. Across a sizeable economic terrain like Nigeria, a uniform nationwide minimum wage may be foolhardy. Costs of living are divergent across the country. States should negotiate with labour unions for acceptable minimum wage structures in different states and geopolitical zones. There may be an urgent need to de-link the minimum wage issue from national politics.

On the positive side, wages should increase in tandem with the cost of living. It will keep workers motivated and may even help the economy rebound. A living wage is not only desirable but expedient. What Nigerian workers earn today is a “symbolic wage” and has no practical bearing on reality. The federal minimum wage, currently at N30,000, was last raised in 2019 when the inflation rate was 11-12%. The purchasing power of the naira has since been eroded by 276% (compared to the 2019 rate). Nigeria is ranked 44th in Africa for minimum wage, according to Prof. Kemi Okuwa of the Nigerian Institute of Social and Economic Research. These factors indicate the need for a wage increase to address the growing disparity between wages and the cost of living.

When implementing wage increases, the government must exercise caution to ensure that its devotion to its responsibility does not have the reverse impact. The government must develop a robust economic plan to reduce the cost of living as well as mitigate the ripple effects on low-income workers, SMEs, and the macroeconomy. We remember the infamous Udorji’s commission saga and its economic impact. Many economic historians have pointed to the significant shake-up of the salary structure by the Udorji commission as one of the major problems of Nigeria’s economy in the 1970s that upended our pricing system and created significant price inflation in the economy. We must learn from history! A situation where the monetary reward for work is increased but not based on productivity will often lead to unwarranted inflation.

Productivity and added value creation should be a significant consideration among many bases for ascribing monetary wage increases, not just policy or legislation. Can the government link the increase in public servants’ wages and salaries to measurable productivity? Any increase in the cost of production and labour at this point, with no corresponding increase in added value to production, is not sustainable and often is an aberration to the system. Therefore, a balanced approach that considers both the need for increased wages and the economic reality of our country is crucial. This will ensure that our wage policy is fair and sustainable in the long run.

The problem with government-induced increase is that only a limited number of workers, civil servants at the federal level, will get the money; many states may claim they need the means to pay that. Even if the state civil services pay that, combined with the federal civil service, they make up less than 25% of the employed workforce in Nigeria. Most of our workforce comprises low-wage workers, whom SMEs and organized private sector firms employ. These small businesses are struggling to pay the N30,000 per month minimum wage, much more than the new minimum wage. This minimum wage will make these workers poorer if they do not get it like the civil servants because they all buy from the same market.

Besides, making unenforceable laws does not make sense. In other climes, it is against the law not to pay the minimum wage. It is enforced with explicit punishment for breaking the law. In Nigeria, this is different. Nothing happens even if any tier of government fails to pay the minimum wage. Most businesses will completely ignore the new salary structure, and there will be no legal consequences. The government must put some teeth to the new minimum wage rule for equity and justice and at least make it stick across the board. It must also consult widely and make the minimum wage more realistic.

I understand the need for an increase in salary because of hyperinflation that has eroded purchasing power. However, I am preaching caution and a measured approach to dealing with this issue by considering all the ramifications and putting measures in place to cushion unintended consequences. Our recent experience has shown that a salary increase may start a merry-go-round of cyclical inflation that begins with a salary increase, and then inflation eats up the value, and then we are back to where we started. In an economy with over 40% food inflation, all stakeholders must apply caution and careful measures in implementing a new salary structure. However, governments (federal, state, and local) cannot afford to play politics with the issue of “living wage”.

The implications of creating new salary structures and increasing the minimum wage are complex and multifaceted, requiring careful consideration of various factors, including economic conditions, industry dynamics, and social equity goals. Although I advocate for workers getting a living wage and meaningful salaries, given our current economic realities, a more measured approach based on value addition, productivity, and accountability will suffice. As the new wages are implemented, a corresponding demand for increased productivity must be implemented by all stakeholders to make the system sustainable.

I understand the need for government intervention in this, especially the political benefits to the government in terms of reasonable public opinion and support, good labour relations and collective bargaining dynamics, and the corresponding public and political debates and legislative actions this generates; however, the economic exigencies – potential job losses, negative impact on SMEs, and inflationary pressures – must be paramount and considered.

A living wage is the right of every Nigerian, and we must fight for that to reduce income inequality gaps and fight multidimensional poverty. High productivity and less economic legislation are the way forward, and the current confusion in the debate over a minimum wage needs to be more holistic and better informed. All the variables must be on the table, devoid of political grandstanding.

[TheCable]

Nigerian politics is far too divisive and toxic. In addition to the toxicity, there is a pervasive self-fulfilling prophecy that holds that all public servants are corrupt. As a result, both elected and appointed public officials in the past and present are unfairly subjected to relentless media trials based on this assumption, usually on trumped charges.

This sets the scene for understanding the current media trial that Okezie Ikpeazu, the former governor of Abia state, is facing. Among other claims, his successor, Alex Otti, asserted that his predecessor had paid N10 billion for an Abia state airport that did not exist. Otti claimed to be quoting from a forensic audit report that he had ordered, though it hasn’t been released to the public or printed in a government gazette.

Otti appears to be acting like a magician, pulling what he pleases from the audit report—if it truly exists—and presenting it to the angry public, who act as juries and judges in media trials. The report is already accomplishing its goal of running Okezie Ikpeazu down.

However, it appears a boomerang is in the making. Otti’s credibility could be damaged, as will that of his young government, which many believe is off to a smooth start if the information he released against Ikpeazu and released to the public to facilitate a media trial turns out to be false. Nobody will ever believe Otti again, and that will be pathetic.

“Falsus in uno, falsus in omnibus” is a Latin aphorism that translates to “false in one thing, false in everything.” At common law, it is the legal principle that a witness who falsely testifies about one matter is not credible to testify about any matter. A witness who makes a false statement regarding one issue is not credible to testify about any other matter, according to common law.

The Stuart Treason Trials in the late seventeenth century are where the common law doctrines of “falsus in uno and falsus in omnibus” first appeared. The notion served as a required presumption that a witness was untrustworthy if they had previously lied in court.

English courts started advising juries way back in the nineteenth century that they could assume a witness who gave a false statement was not trustworthy. A required presumption of unreliability for witnesses or sources that have previously provided misleading testimony must also be upheld by discerning minds. A person must enter equity with clean hands.

Applied to the accusations made by the current governor of Abia state against his predecessor, whom he accused of embezzling N107 billion from the state during his tenure, including the assertion that Okpeazu spent a whooping N10 billion for an Abia state airport that never existed. Otti said his claim was the outcome of a report by one of the three best worldwide audit firms, as he defined them, which he said he commissioned to carry out a forensic audit as soon as he took office.

Ikpeazu’s aides and some informed Abians have dismissed Otti’s claim of Ikpeazu paying N10 billion for a nonexistent airport as a malicious fabrication, saying that no additional money was ever paid beyond the N10 million paid for the preliminary spade works, such as site identification, clearing, and the like. They posit that the project was halted because it was widely believed that an airport was not a priority for Abians at the time.

The forensic audit report has reportedly not yet been made public, despite attempts to obtain a copy of it. Subsequent inquiries have shown that the aforementioned audit report has not yet been formally presented to and approved by the Abia State Executive Council. Otti hasn’t even allowed his executive council to see it and is still keeping it close to his chest.

Furthermore, what is in the public domain points to the fact that the payment for a nonexistent Abia Airport used to stigmatise and mock the former governor, Ikpeazu, does not exist, just as the Abia State Airport does not exist either. So one might wonder why there is a rush to selectively release to the public portions of the audit report that is not yet been adopted.

The question is: Is Governor Otti simply trying to play politics with the public’s perception for optics’ sake, providing something for the media trial of his predecessor, and igniting a media frenzy? If Governor Otti did fabricate the N10 billion tales, he may have unintentionally destroyed any credibility that may have been in the forensic audit report since it is laced with lies that may have been injected to mask the truth.

It is right to state that Section 308 of the Constitution prevents Otti from being sued while he is in office for defamation. According to Section 308 of the Constitution, “no civil or criminal proceedings may be instituted against the President, Vice-President, Governor, or Deputy Governor, and they may not be arrested or imprisoned, nor may any process of any court requiring or compelling their appearance be issued against them.” So, Otti is safe.

However, Ikpeazu still has some recourse (after the harm he sustained is confirmed by Otti’s inability to substantiate his claim). Once the falsehood is confirmed, the audit report will be rendered meaningless, and the public will perceive it as more of a witch hunt than anything else.

When Nyesom Wike became the governor of Rivers state, a similar situation occurred there as well. He launched a comparable audit inquiry into the tenure of Chibuike Amaechi, his predecessor. Because the report was a witch hunt, it never saw the light of day. It was a precedent Otti should have been familiar with.

In particular, Otti should officially receive the report without further delay, have the Abia State Executive Council adopt it, and leave it available for public review as well as impartial, independent interrogation and investigation. If it is true that Otti did not fabricate at least some parts of the report to get media conviction against his predecessor, making the audit report available to the media shouldn’t be an issue at all. The fact that this procedure was the one that ought to have been followed also underlined the fact that Otti was essentially putting the cart before the horse when he released portions of the forensic audit report piecemeal, which many have trashed as untrue.

Ikpeazu’s experience demonstrates that the media trial of public officials in Nigeria has deep ramifications and implications for the battle against corruption. Even if the victims can prove their innocence, they are not granted real relief because the accusers never go back to debriefing the Nigerian public about the lies they peddled or offering an apology to the good Nigerians who have been maligned and falsely shown to other people as criminals.

In Ikpeazu’s case, Governor Otti must come clean by providing the media with proof of the funds made for the fictitious Abia State Airport, along with the name of the receiving firm or firms. If Ikpeazu never paid such money and there is no such evidence, Otti owes Ikpeazu a public apology.

The media should keep a close eye on this case, as it is a seriously developing story. Either Ikpeazu paid N10 billion for the airport or he did not, or Otti made up the tale or he did not.

As required by both the ethics of journalism and the law, the media should continue to hold public officials innocent until their guilt is proven by the courts and should assist in advocating for justice for those who have not been found guilty as charged. In addition, the media must continue to follow the two golden laws of journalism: hear the other side of the story and, when in doubt, leave out, while also conducting more in-depth investigations.

To determine if this is a case of falsus in uno or falsus in omnibus—”false in one thing, false in everything,” as many now suspect—Nigerians are waiting for the declassification of the Otti’s forensic audit report. He who alleges must prove.

Okezie Ikpeazu should take turns laughing last and should have his integrity back if indeed the phantom airport payment is a fabrication and politics.

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Dr Law Mefor, an Abuja-based forensic and social psychologist, is a fellow of The Abuja School of Social and Political Thought. He can be reached via This email address is being protected from spambots. You need JavaScript enabled to view it.; Twitter: